5 Original
Sin
Preliminary Considerations
“The sinfulness of that estate (status or condition)
whereinto man fell consists in the guilt of Adam’s first sin, the want of
original righteousness, and the corruption of the whole nature: which is
commonly called original sin; together with all actual transgressions which
proceed from it” (Westminster Shorter Catechism Q. 18).
According to this doctrinal statement, there are three
particulars under the general head of sin: (1) the guilt of the first sin,
(2) the corruption of nature resulting from the first sin, and (3) actual
transgressions or sins of act which result from corruption of nature.
The first part of the sinfulness of man’s estate or
condition is the guilt of the first sin. The first sin of Adam, strictly and
formally considered, was the transgression of the particular command not to
eat of the tree of knowledge. This was a positive statute and not the moral
law. It tested obedience more severely than the moral law does because the
latter carries its own reason with it, while the former containing no
intrinsic morality appealed to no reason except the mere good pleasure of
God. To disobey it was to disregard the authority of God and involved
disobedience of all law. The guilt of Adam’s first sin is the guilt of
transgressing the law of Eden explicitly and the moral law implicitly: “The
rule of obedience revealed to Adam, besides a special command not to eat of
the fruit of the tree of knowledge, was the moral law” (Westminster Larger
Catechism 92).
Adam’s Sin as Twofold:
Internal and External
The first sin of Adam was twofold: (a) internal and (b)
external. The internal part of it was the originating and starting of a
wrong inclination. The external part of it was the exertion of a wrong
volition prompted by the wrong inclination. Adam first inclined to self
instead of God as the ultimate end. He became an idolater and “worshiped and
served the creature more than the Creator” (Rom. 1:25). Then, in order to
gratify this new inclination, he reached forth his hand and ate of the
forbidden fruit:
Our first parents fell into open
disobedience, because already they were secretly corrupted; for the evil act
had never been done had not an evil inclination (voluntas)
preceded it. And what is the origin of our evil inclination but pride? And
what is pride but the craving for undue exaltation? And this is undue
exaltation, when the soul abandons him to whom it ought to cleave as its end
and becomes an end to itself. The wicked desire to please himself secretly
existed in Adam, and the open sin was but its consequence. (Augustine,
City of God
14.13)
Edwards (Original Sin
in Works 2.385)
directs attention to the internal part of Adam’s first sin in the following
manner. His opponent Taylor had said that “Adam could not sin [externally]
without a sinful inclination.” Edwards replies that “this is doubtless true;
for although there was no natural sinful inclination in [holy] Adam, yet an
inclination to that sin of eating the forbidden fruit was begotten in him by
the delusion and error he was led into, and this inclination to eat the
forbidden fruit must precede his actual eating.” Edwards considers the
rising of this sinful desire and inclination to be the first sin itself.
There was not a first sin prior to it of which the sinful inclination was
the effect; but the very inclining away from God to the creature was Adam’s
fall itself and that of his posterity in him:
I am humbly of the opinion that if
any have supposed the children of Adam to come into the world with a double
guilt, one the guilt of Adam’s sin, another the guilt arising from their
having a corrupt heart, they have not so well conceived of the matter. The
guilt a man has upon his soul at his first [individual] existence is one and
simple, namely, the guilt of the original apostasy, the guilt of the sin by
which the species first rebelled against God. This and the guilt arising
from the first corruption or depraved disposition of the heart are not to be
looked upon as two things, distinctly imputed and charged upon men in the
sight of God. It is true that the guilt that arises from the corruption of
the heart as it remains a confirmed principle and appears in its subsequent
operations is a distinct and additional guilt; but the guilt arising from
the first existing [the start or origination] of a depraved disposition in
Adam’s posterity, I apprehend is not distinct from their guilt of Adam’s
first sin. For so it was not in Adam himself. The first evil disposition or
inclination of the heart of Adam to sin was not properly distinct from his
first sin, but was included in it. The external act he committed was no
otherwise his, than as his heart was in it, or as that action proceeded from
the wicked inclination of his heart. Nor was the guilt he had double, as for
two distinct sins: one, the wickedness of his heart and will in that affair;
another, the wickedness of the external act caused by his heart. His guilt
was all truly from the act of his inward man; exclusive of which the motions
of his body were no more than the motions of any lifeless instrument. His
sin consisted in wickedness of heart, fully sufficient for and entirely
amounting to all that appeared in the act he committed.1
(Original Sin
in Works
2.481) (See supplement
4.5.1.)
The internal part of Adam’s first sin was the principal
part of it. It was the real commencement of sin in man. It was the
origination from nothing of a sinful disposition in the human will. There
was no previous sinful disposition to prompt it or to produce it. When Adam
inclined away from God to the creature, he exercised an act of pure
self-determination. He began sinning by a real beginning, analogous to that
by which matter begins to be from nothing. In endowing Adam with a mutable
holiness, God made it possible, but not necessary, for Adam to originate a
sinful inclination and thereby expel a holy one. The finite will can fall
from holiness to sin if it is not “kept from falling” (Jude 24) by God’s
special grace, because it is finite. The finite is the mutable by the very
definition.
Since this first inclining of the human will had no
sinful antecedent, it is denominated “original” sin. There is no sin before
it by which to explain it. Says Lombard (2.22.12):
If it be asked whether inclination
(voluntas)
preceded that first sin, we answer, in the first place, that inasmuch as
that first sin consisted both of inclination (voluntas)
and of outward act (actus),
inclination preceded outward act, but another evil inclination did not
precede the evil inclination itself; and, second, that through the
persuasion of Satan and by the arbitrary decision (arbitrio)
of Adam that evil inclination was produced by which he deserted
righteousness and began iniquity. And this inclination (voluntas)
itself was iniquity.
The following dialogue in Anselm’s
On the Fall of the Devil 27
is to the same effect:
Disciple: Why did the wicked angel
will what he ought not to have willed?
Master: No cause preceded this
wrong act, except it were that the angel could so will.
Disciple: Did he then will
wickedly because he was able to?
Master: No, because the good angel
had the same power, but did not will wrongly. No one wills wrongly merely
because he can so will.
Disciple: Why then does he will
wrongly?
Master: Only because he will. The
wicked will has no other cause but this, why it determines to sin. It is
both an efficient and an effect in one. (See
supplement 4.5.2.)
The internal part of Adam’s first sin was “voluntary” not
“volitionary.” It was will as desire, not will as volition; will as
inclining, not will as choosing. The fall was the transition from one form
of self-motion to another form of self-motion, and not the beginning of
self-motion for the first time. The fall was a self-determining to evil
expelling an existing self-determination to good. It was inclining away from
one ultimate end to another, not choosing between two ultimate ends to
neither of which was there any existing inclination. Adam before he fell was
self-determined to God and goodness. Consequently, in the garden of Eden, he
had not to choose either good or evil as two contraries to both of which his
will was indifferent. By creation, he was positively inclined to good. The
question put before him in the probation and temptation was whether he would
remain holy as he was or begin a new inclination to evil; not whether,
having no inclination at all, he would choose either good or evil. His act
of apostasy, if it occurred, was to be an act of new and wrong desire in
place of the existing holy desire, of new and wrong self-determination in
place of the existing and right self-determination. The fall was a change of
inclination, not the exertion of a volition.
The internal part of Adam’s first sin is described in
Gen. 3:1–6. According to this narrative, Eve first listened to the crafty
query of Satan whether God could have given such a command; then she entered
into a discussion with him; then she believed him. All this internal agency
of the soul occurred prior to plucking and eating the forbidden fruit. But
this listening, discussing, and believing on the part of Eve occurred
because she was secretly desiring the forbidden knowledge by which she would
“be as the gods” (3:5). Lust for that false knowledge which Satan had
promised explains these mental processes. Dalliance with temptation always
implies a desire for the tempting object. Had Eve continued to desire and to
be content with that true knowledge which she had by creation, she would
have abhorred the false knowledge proposed by the tempter, and this
abhorrence would have precluded all parleying with him and all trust in him.
A comparison of the manner in which our Lord dealt with
the same tempter is instructive. Christ, in the wilderness, entered into no
parley and debate with Satan, as Eve did in paradise. He did not dally with
temptation, because no desire for what God had forbidden arose within him.
The second Adam did not lust, like the first Adam, after the false good
presented by the tempter. The first two of Satan’s suggestions he
instantaneously rejects, giving reasons therefor in the decisive language of
Scripture. And the third and more blasphemous suggestion he thrusts away
with the avaunt of abhorrence. There was not the slightest swerving from
God, the faintest hankering after prohibited good, in the most secret soul
of our Lord. His will from center to circumference, both as inclination and
volition, both in desire and act, remained steadfast in holiness. Christ met
Satan’s temptation with aversion and loathing. Eve met it with inclination
and liking.
The history of the rise of evil desire or lust is given
by divine inspiration. Along with the listening, the debating, and the
believing on the part of Eve, there was, according to the narrative in
Genesis, a yet more important activity that occurred in the soul of Eve
prior to the eating of the forbidden fruit: “The woman saw that the tree was
good for food and that it was pleasant to the eyes and a tree to be desired
to make one wise” (3:6). Eve looked upon the tree of knowledge not only with
innocent, but with sinful desire. She not only had the natural created
desire for it as producing nourishing food and as a beautiful object to the
eye, but she came to have, besides this, the unnatural and self-originated
desire for it as yielding a kind of knowledge which God forbade man to have.
She “lusted” after that “knowledge of good and evil” which eating of the
fruit would impart. This knowledge was not the true wisdom and spiritual
knowledge which Adam and Eve already had by creation and which is the
intellectual side of holiness, but it was the false knowledge which “the
gods,” that is, Satan and his angels, had acquired by apostasy.2
This lusting of Eve for a knowledge that God had prohibited was her
apostasy. This was the self-determining and inclining of her will away from
God as the chief end and chief good to self and the creature as the chief
end. To desire what God has forbidden is to prefer self to God, and this is
to sin. This concupiscence was the beginning of sin in her will. It was the
same thing, in kind, with the concupiscence which God forbids in the tenth
commandment. The command not to covet or lust is a command not to desire
anything that God has forbidden. God has forbidden theft. To inwardly desire
another man’s property is theft. God has forbidden murder. To be inwardly
angry at a fellowman is murder. God has forbidden adultery. To inwardly
desire another man’s wife is adultery. In like manner, God had forbidden to
Adam satanic knowledge of good and evil. To inwardly desire it was the first
sin. Achan’s sin began with inward desire or lust: “When I saw among the
spoils a goodly Babylonian garment and two hundred shekels of silver and a
wedge of gold, then I coveted them and took them” (Josh. 7:21).
All this internal action of the soul of Eve, then,
occurred prior to the outward act of plucking and eating. Says Fisher (Catechism
Q. 3), “Were not our first parents guilty of sin before eating the forbidden
fruit? Yes: they were guilty in hearkening to the devil and believing him
before they actually ate it. Why, then, is their eating of it called their
first sin? Because it was the first sin finished (James 1:15).” “The first
sin,” says Pictet (Theology
4.2), “commenced when Eve began to doubt whether she had rightly understood
the intention of God in forbidding the fruit of the tree. Afterward, when
she ought to have consulted God upon this subject, she believed the devil,
who said that they should not die; in the next place, she was flattered with
the hope held out to her by Satan of knowing all things and being equal to
God; and at last, she reached forth her hand to the fruit.” “From the
account in Genesis,” says Hodge (Theology
2.128), “it appears that doubt, unbelief, and pride were the principles
which led to this fatal act of disobedience. Eve doubted God’s goodness, she
disbelieved his threatening, she aspired after forbidden knowledge.”3
The account given in Gen. 3:1–6 favors the supposition
that Eve had the colloquy with Satan by herself, as Milton represents it in
his poem. The woman alone entered into the discussion with Satan of a
subject that ought not to have been discussed at all. “And when,” continues
the narrative, “the woman saw that the tree was good for food and that it
was pleasant (ta˒ăwâ)4
to the eyes and a tree to be desired (neḥmād)5
to make one wise, she took of the fruit thereof and did eat; and gave also
unto her husband and he did eat” (Gen. 3:6). St. Paul (1 Tim. 2:14) affirms
that “Adam was not deceived [by Satan], but the woman being deceived by him
fell into the transgression (en
parabasei gegone).”6
This implies that Adam did not believe the tempter’s assertion that a good
would follow the eating of the forbidden fruit and that death would not be
the consequence. According to St. Paul, Adam was seduced by his affection
for Eve rather than deceived by the lie of Satan. He fell with his eyes wide
open to the fact that if he ate he would die. But in loving his wife more
than God, he “worshiped and served the creature instead of the Creator” and
like Eve set up a different final end from the true one.
The account in Gen. 3:6 describes (a) the innocent
physical desire of man’s unfallen nature for the fruit of the tree of
knowledge and (b) the rising of sinful moral desire for it: “The woman saw
that the tree was good for food and that it was pleasant (ta˒ăwâ)7
to the eyes.” This denotes merely the correlation between the created
qualities of man’s physical constitution and this particular product of
God’s creation. It was not wrong, but perfectly innocent, to perceive that
the tree was good for food and to desire it as such and to be pleasantly
affected by the beauty of it. This divinely established relation between
man’s physical nature and that of the tree of knowledge constituted the
subjective basis for the temptation. Had the tree been repulsive to the
sight and taste, its fruit would not have been employed by Satan as a means
of solicitation. Up to this point in the description, the phraseology is the
same as that in 2:9 respecting all the trees in the garden: “Out of the
ground made the Lord God to grow every tree that is pleasant (neḥmād)8
to the sight and good for food.” All the physical products of God, the tree
of knowledge included, were agreeable and pleasant objects for the newly
created and sinless man. (See supplement 4.5.3.)
But the account in Gen. 3:6 further adds that the tree of
knowledge came to be for Eve a tree “to be desired (neḥmād),9
to make one wise.” The sinful moral desire here mentioned is different from
the innocent physical desire spoken of in the preceding part of the verse.
It was a mental hankering after the fruit as imparting to the eater a kind
of knowledge which God had forbidden to man. This is something new and
different from the innocent craving belonging to man’s sensuous nature. To
desire the fruit simply as food and as a beautiful object was innocent. But
to desire a knowledge of good and evil such as the “gods” had, which the
eating of it would communicate, was rebellious and wicked, because this kind
of knowledge had been prohibited. The word
neḥmād,10
descriptive of Eve’s longing after the prohibited knowledge, is the same
employed in the tenth commandment (Exod. 20:17), which the Septuagint
renders by ouk
epithymēseis.11
Eve’s evil desire was also the same in kind with the
epithymia12
of St. Paul, which he declares to be
hamartia13
(Rom. 7:7). It was also the same in kind with the
epithymia14
mentioned in James 1:14: “Every man is tempted when he is drawn away by his
own lust and enticed.”
The self-willed origination and rising of this desire for
a knowledge that God had forbidden was the fall of Eve. It was a new
inclination of her will to self, directly contrary to that inclination to
God with which she had been created. As regeneration is denominated a
“birth” of the soul because of the totality of the moral change, so apostasy
may be called a “birth” of the soul for the same reason. By the fall, the
children of God became the children of Satan (John 8:44; Matt. 13:38). Each
“birth” alike is an entire revolution in human character: one upward the
other downward. As regeneration is the origination by the Holy Spirit of
holy desire and inclination, so apostasy was the origination by Adam of
sinful desire and inclination. God had not forbidden the existence of the
desire for the fruit as “good for food and pleasant to the eye,” and had
this continued to be the only desire in Eve in regard to the tree, she would
have remained sinless as she was created. But God had forbidden the desire
for the fruit as fitted “to make one wise” with the knowledge of good and
evil. The instant the desire “to be as gods” arose in Eve’s heart, she
sinned. God’s command, in its full form, was “you shall not lust after but
abhor the knowledge of good and evil; you shall not choose but refuse it.”
The prohibition in the instance of the Eden statute, as in that of the tenth
commandment, included both the inward desire and the outward act, both
inclination and volition. If a man hates his brother, he violates the sixth
commandment, even if he does not actually kill him (Matt. 5:22). So, too, if
when Eve had desired the forbidden knowledge, she had been prevented from
reaching out the hand and plucking the fruit, she would still have
transgressed the Eden statute. Obedience to God required that she abhor and
reject the knowledge proffered by Satan. But to lust after it was to prefer
and love it. Even, therefore, if she had been forcibly stopped from
completing, or as St. James (1:15) phrases it “finishing” the sin of
desiring, by the outward act of eating, she would still have been guilty of
disobeying God, for the divine command is to choose the good and refuse the
evil (Deut. 30:19). The holiness of Immanuel, which is true holiness, is
described as “refusing the evil and choosing the good” (Isa. 7:16). But
whoever desires the evil that is prohibited “chooses” it and thereby refuses
the good that is commanded. Had Eve continued to desire and love the true
knowledge which she already had by her creation in the divine image, this
desire and love would have been the rejection and abhorrence of the false
knowledge offered in the temptation. But when she began to desire and love
the false knowledge, this was the rejection and hatred of the true
knowledge. And this was apostasy. Neutrality or indifference was impossible
in the will of Eve or any will whatever. For her to incline to self was to
disincline to God, to desire false knowledge was to dislike true knowledge,
to choose the evil was to refuse the good, to love the creature was to hate
the Creator. The rising of her evil desire, consequently, was the expulsion
of her holy desire; the starting of her new sinful self-determination was
the ousting of her existing holy self-determination. She could not have two
contrary desires or inclinations simultaneously. Hence the universal
command, “You shall not covet”; that is, “You shall not desire anything that
God has forbidden”; because this is the same thing as to dislike and hate
what God has commanded. (See supplement 4.5.4.)
This evil inclining and desiring is denominated
“concupiscence” in the theological nomenclature. In the Augustinian and
Calvinistic anthropology, it includes mental as well as sensual desire; in
the Pelagian anthropology, it is confined to sensual appetite. Says Calvin
(2.1.9):
Man has not only been ensnared by
the inferior appetites, but abominable impiety has seized the very citadel
of his mind, and pride has penetrated into the inmost recesses of his heart;
so that it is weak and foolish to restrict the corruption which has
proceeded thence to what are called the sensual appetites. In this the
grossest ignorance has been discovered by Peter Lombard, who when
investigating the seat of it says it is in the flesh according to the
testimony of Paul in
Rom. 7:18,
not indeed exclusively, but because it principally appears in the flesh; as
though Paul designated only a part of the soul and not the whole of our
nature which is opposed to supernatural grace. Now Paul removes every doubt
by informing us that the corruption resides not in one part only, but that
there is nothing pure and uncontaminated by its mortal infection. For, when
arguing respecting corrupt nature, he not only condemns the inordinate
motions of the appetites, but principally insists on the blindness of the
mind and the depravity of the heart (Eph.
4:17–18).
Says Luther on Gal. 5:17: “When Paul says that the flesh
lusts against the spirit and the spirit against the flesh, he admonishes us
that we must feel the concupiscence of the flesh, that is to say, not only
carnal lust but also pride, wrath, slothfulness, impatience, unbelief, and
such like” (see Heppe, Reformed Dogmatics,
locus 15, for definitions from the elder Calvinists).
Concupiscence is different from natural created appetency
or desire. Hunger and thirst are not evil concupiscence. They are
instinctive, constitutional, and involuntary. Gluttony on the contrary is
voluntary, not constitutional. It is not pure instinctive craving for food.
There is will in it. It is the inclining and desire of the will for a more
intense pleasure from eating food than the natural healthy appetite provides
for. Innocent hunger makes use of the appointed food, and when satisfied it
rests. If a man simply quiets his hunger with bread convenient for it, he
does not have or exhibit concupiscence. But if he craves sensual pleasure
from eating and gratifies the craving by tickling the palate, he has and
exhibits concupiscence or evil desire.
Concupiscence is not natural and innocent appetite
intensified. It is not a difference in degree, but in kind. A starving man
is not concupiscent, though his desire for food is intense to the very
highest degree. His famine-struck craving for food is not a gluttonous
craving for sensual pleasure. It is purely physical. But gluttony is the
mental in the physical. Gluttony is the will’s selfish inclination
manifested in a bodily appetite. It is the will in the senses.
These remarks apply to thirst and the sexual appetite. As
created and constitutional, neither of these is evil concupiscence. But as
mixed with will and moral inclination—the form in which they appear in
drunkards who “shall not inherit the kingdom of God” and “whoremongers and
adulterers whom God will judge”—they are sinful concupiscence.15
Concupiscence is not confined to the sensuous nature. There is concupiscence
or lust of the reason as well as of the sense. Pride and ambition is a lust
of the mind: “We had our conversation in times past, in the lusts of our
flesh, fulfilling the desires (thelēmata)16
of the flesh and of the mind (tōn
dianoiōn)”17
(Eph. 2:3). According to 2 Cor. 7:1 there is a “filthiness of the flesh and
the spirit (pneumatos).”18
The external part of Adam’s first sin was the act of
eating the fruit of the tree of knowledge. After the sinful inclination had
arisen, a sinful volition followed: “When the woman saw that the tree was to
be desired to make one wise, she took of the fruit thereof and did eat”
(Gen. 3:6).
Imputation of Adamic Guilt
This first sin in both of its parts, internal and
external, is imputed to Adam and his posterity as sin and guilt because they
committed it. The evil desire and the evil act were the desiring and acting
of the human nature in the first human pair. The biblical proof of this
fundamental and much disputed position is found in the following: “Death
passed upon all men, for that all have sinned” (Rom. 5:12); “through the
offense of one (man) many be dead (apethanon)”19
(5:15); “the judgment was by one (offense) unto condemnation” (5:16); “by
one man’s offense (or
by one offense) death reigned by one” (5:17); “by the offense of one
(Lachmann and Tischendorf have ‘one offense’), judgment came upon all men to
condemnation” (5:18); “by one man’s disobedience many were made sinners”
(5:19); “in Adam (tō
adam)20
all die” (1 Cor. 15:22).
The very important discussion of St. Paul in Rom. 5:12–19
teaches (1) that the death which came upon all men as a punishment came
because of one sin and only one and (2) that this sin was the one committed
by Adam and his posterity as a unity. Three explanations have been given of
hēmarton21
in this passage: (1) It is active in its meaning and denotes the first sin
of Adam and his posterity as a unity: his posterity being one with him by
natural union or else by representation or by both together; (2) it is
active in its meaning and denotes the first sin of each individual after he
is born (in this case,
hēmarton22
does not denote Adam’s first sin); and (3) it is passive in its meaning,
signifying, either “to be sinful” or “to be reckoned as having sinned”
(Shedd on Rom. 5:12–19).
That
hēmarton23
is active in its signification is proved (a) by the fact that
eph’ hō pantes hēmarton24
means the same as
dia tēs hamartias25
in the preceding context and
hamartias26
is active in signification; (b) by the invariable use of the word
hēmarton27
elsewhere (Matt. 27:4; Luke 15:18; John 9:2; Acts 25:8; Rom. 2:12; 3:23;
5:14, 16; 6:15; 1 Cor. 7:28; Eph. 4:26; 1 Tim. 5:20; 1 Pet. 2:20); (c) by
the invariable signification of the
substantive hamartia28
(a verb has the same meaning as its noun); and (d) by the interchange of
hamartia29
with paraptōma,30
which is active in meaning (Rom. 5:16–21). (See supplement 4.5.5.)
Turretin (9.9.16) denies that
hēmarton31
signifies “to be sinful”: “The word
hēmarton
cannot properly refer to the disposition of sin or to habitual or inhering
corruption. Rather, it properly denotes some actual sin, and that past,
which can be no other than the very sin of Adam. Indeed, it is one thing to
be or to be born a sinner, but another thing actually to sin”32
(so also Witsius, Covenants
1.8.31). Edwards (Original Sin
in Works 2.448)
denies that
hēmarton33
signifies “to be regarded as sinners”:
There is no instance wherein the
verb sin,
which is used by the apostle when he says “all have sinned,” is anywhere
used in our author’s [Taylor’s] sense, for being brought into a state of
suffering, and that not as a punishment for sin or as anything arising from
God’s displeasure. St. Paul is far from using such a phrase to signify a
being condemned without guilt or any imputation or supposition of guilt.
Vastly more, still, is it remote from his language, so to use the verb
sin
and to say man “sins” or
“has sinned,” hereby meaning nothing more nor less than that he by a
judicial act is condemned.
Unless, therefore, St. Paul departed from the invariable
Scripture use of the word
hēmarton34
when he asserts that death as a just punishment, passed upon all men
“because all sinned,” he employs the word
sinned actively. And if he does depart here
from the invariable Scripture meaning of
hēmarton,35
he is the only inspired writer that does so; and this is the only instance
in his own writings in which he does so—his use of the verb
hamartanein36
in scores of other instances being the ordinary use.
But while
hēmarton37
in Rom. 5:12 is active in signification, it does not denote the
transgressions of each individual subsequent to birth, and when no longer in
Adam, but the transgression of Adam and Eve inclusive of their posterity.
This is proved by the following considerations: One and but one sin is
specified as the ground of the penalty of death. This is asserted five times
over in succession in 5:15–19. In 5:12
hēmarton38
unquestionably refers to the same sin that is spoken of in 5:15–19.
In Rom. 5:14 some who die, namely, infants, “did not sin
after the similitude of Adam’s first transgression.” That is, they did not
repeat the first sin. They must, therefore, have sinned in some other manner
because they are a part of the “all” (pantes)39
who sinned and because they experience the death which is the wages of sin.
The only other conceivable manner of sinning is that of participation in the
first sin itself. But participation in Adam’s first sin is not the
repetition of it by the individual.
From these considerations, it is evident that the word
sinned in Rom.
5:12 is active in its signification; but the action is specific, not
individual—the action of the common nature in Adam prior to any conception
and birth and not the action of the individuals one by one after conception
and birth.
The passive signification given to
hēmarton40
is twofold: (a) to be sinful (Calvin) and (b) to be reckoned as having
sinned (Chrysostom). The first has never had much currency. The last has
been extensively adopted by Semipelagian and Arminian theologians and also
by many later Calvinists. The objections to this explanation are the
following:
1. It is contrary to
invariable usage. This would be the only instance in the New Testament in
which the verb
hamartanō41
would have such a meaning.
2. Had St. Paul intended
to bring in the notion of regarding or treating as sinners, this would
require the combination of
hamartanein42
with einai,43
and he would have used the compound form
pantes hēmartēkotes hēsan44
as does the Septuagint in Gen. 43:9; 44:32 (hēmartēkōs
esomai);45
1 Kings 1:21 (esomai
egō kai salōmōn hamartoloi).46
3. The passive
signification excludes Adam and Eve from the
pantes47
who sinned. They, certainly, were not “reckoned” to have sinned.
4. According to the
passive signification,
hēmarton48
would denote God’s action, not man’s; God’s act of imputing sin, not man’s
act of committing it. But it is the sinner’s act, not that of the judge,
which is the reason for punishment.
5. It destroys the logic.
All die because all are reckoned to deserve death. This is one reason for
death, but not the particular one required here. The argument demands a
reason founded upon the act of the criminal, not of the judge. To say that
all die because all are condemned to die is to give no sufficient reason for
death. For the question immediately arises why they are condemned to die.
6. It tends to empty
thanatos49
of its plenary biblical meaning as including hell punishment. A qualified
meaning is given to it in order to make it agree with the qualified meaning
given to
hēmarton.50
The withdrawment of grace is said by some later Calvinists to be the only
penalty inflicted upon original sin, the positive pains of hell being due
only to actual transgression. Historically, this passive signification was
forced upon
hamartanō51
by those (Chrysostom and the Greek fathers) who asserted that the first sin
was not imputed as culpable. Arminian writers like Whitby and John Taylor
follow Chrysostom.
The total guilt of the first sin, thus committed by the
entire race in Adam, is imputed to each individual of the race because of
the indivisibility of guilt. If two individual men together commit a murder,
each is chargeable with the whole guilt of the act. One-half of the guilt of
the murder cannot be imputed to one and one-half to the other. Supposing
that the one human nature which committed the “one offense” (Rom. 5:17–18)
became a family of exactly a million individuals by propagation, it would
not follow that each individual would be responsible for only a millionth
part of the offense. The whole undivided guilt of the first sin of apostasy
from God would be chargeable upon each and every one of the million
individuals of the species alike. For though the one common nature that
committed the “one offense” is divisible by propagation, the offense itself
is not divisible nor is the guilt of it. Consequently, one man is as guilty
as another of the whole first sin, of the original act of falling from God.
The individual Adam and Eve were no more guilty of this first act and of the
whole of it than their descendants are; and their descendants are as guilty
as they.
The same principle applies also to the indivisibility of
merit. The merit of Christ’s obedience is indivisible, and the whole of it
is imputed to every individual believer alike. A million believers do not
each obtain by imputation a millionth part of their Redeemer’s merit. One
believer is as completely justified by gratuitous imputation as another,
because all alike receive by faith the total worthiness and desert of their
Lord’s obedience, not a fractional part of it. As the unmerited imputation
of Christ’s obedience conveys the total undivided merit of this obedience to
each and every believer, so the merited imputation of Adam’s disobedience
conveys the total undivided guilt of this disobedience to each and every
individual of the posterity.
The first sin of Adam, being a common, not an individual
sin, is deservedly and justly imputed to the posterity of Adam upon the same
principle upon which all sin is deservedly and justly imputed, namely, that
it was committed by those to whom it is imputed. “All men die, because all
men sinned,” says St. Paul. Free agency is supposed as the reason for the
penalty of death, namely, the free agency of all mankind in Adam. This
agency, though differing in the manner, is yet as real as the subsequent
free agency of each individual.
The imputation either of Adam’s sin or of Christ’s
righteousness must rest upon a union of some kind. It is just to impute the
first sin of Adam to his posterity, while it would be unjust to impute it to
the fallen angels because Adam and his posterity were a unity when the first
sin was committed, but Adam and the fallen angels were not: “It hardly would
have been just for the crime of one angel to be imputed to another, or the
sin of one man to be accounted to another, on the supposition that they were
each created separately just as angels. But there is a unity of nature, on
which the covenantal unity was supported”52
(Leydecker, “Synopsis,” 164 in Heppe, Reformed
Dogmatics, locus 15). The fact that the fallen
angels have committed individual transgressions of their own would not
justify imputing a common race-transgression to them. Again, it is just to
impute Christ’s righteousness to a believer, but not just to impute it to an
unbeliever, because the former has been united to him by faith and the
latter has not.
The popular explanation of the imputation of Adam’s
sin—that under divine government children inherit the poverty and disease of
their vicious parents—is inadequate. Divine government does not punish the
children of vicious parents for their inherited poverty and disease. If
Adam’s posterity merely inherited moral corruption, but were not punished
for it, this explanation would be pertinent. But inherited corruption is
visited with divine retribution according to Eph. 2:3. And this requires
participation in the origin of it. Men must sin in Adam in order to be
justly punished for Adam’s sin. And participation requires union with Adam.
There is a similar fallacy in citing the biblical
instances in which innocent individuals suffer for the sins of guilty
individuals in proof that Adam’s posterity though innocent of his sin are
punishable for it. To suffer in consequence of the sin of another is not the
same as to be punished for it. The sufferings that came upon the descendants
of Ham because of his individual sin were not retributive, like those which
come upon the whole human race because of the one specific sin of Adam or
like those which come upon an individual for his own transgressions. Ham’s
descendants have suffered for centuries on account of their ancestor’s sin,
but have not been under eternal condemnation on account of it. They are
exposed to eternal death in common with the rest of mankind because of the
sin in Adam and of their own individual sins, but not because of the
individual sin of Ham. The same is true of the sin of Korah in relation to
his family. In reference to all individual transgressions, Ezek. 18:20
asserts that “the son shall not bear the iniquity of his father”; that is,
he shall not be punished for it, though he may suffer for it. Suffering and
affliction are sovereign acts of God and may or may not be connected with
the individual sin of a secondary ancestor, according to his good pleasure;
but punishment is a judicial act that is necessary and necessarily connected
with the specific sin of the first ancestor and the individual sins of the
person himself. (See supplement 4.5.6.)
The imputation of Adam’s sin rests upon a different kind
of union from that upon which the imputation of Christ’s righteousness
rests. The former is founded upon natural union: a union of constitutional
nature and substance. The possibility of an existence, a probation, and a
free fall in Adam has been considered under the head of traducianism. The
entire human species as an invisible but substantial nature acts in and with
the first human pair. Traducianism is true only in anthropology and with
reference to apostasy. It has no application at all to soteriology and
redemption. There is no race-unity in redemption. All men were in Adam when
he disobeyed; but all men were not in Christ when he obeyed. All men are
propagated from Adam and inherit his sin. No man is propagated from Christ
or inherits his righteousness. Apostasy starts with the race. Redemption
starts with the individual. All men fall. Some men are redeemed. Union in
Adam is substantial and physical, in Christ is spiritual and mystical
(Westminster Larger Catechism 66); in Adam is natural, in Christ is
representative; in Adam is by creation, in Christ is by regeneration; in
Adam is with man as a species, in Christ is with man as an individual; in
Adam is universal, in Christ is particular and by election (Shedd on Rom.
5:19).
The theory of Schleiermacher, Rothe (Steinmeyer,
History of Christ’s Passion,
15), and Nevin as criticized by Hodge supposes that Christ united himself
with the entire human nature. This is an error. In the incarnation, the
Logos assumed into union with himself only a fractional part of human
nature, namely, that flesh and blood which was derived from the virgin.
There was no union in the incarnation with the human race as a whole. This
would have required the Logos to have united with the human nature as it was
in Adam, prior to any division and individualization of it. Furthermore, in
regeneration, Christ is united with only a particular individual who has
been elected and separated (Gal. 1:15) from all other individuals.
The principal objection to the tenet of the participation
of the posterity in the first sin is that the individual has no
self-conscious recollection of such an event and that he cannot be held
responsible for an act of which he is not self-conscious and cannot
remember.
The reply to this is that upon any theory, no individual
man is self-conscious of and remembers the first act of sin. Neither
Pelagianism nor Semipelagianism, neither Socinianism nor Arminianism, has
any advantage in this respect over Augustinianism and Calvinism. Neither
does creationism have any advantage over traducianism. Upon any theory that
recognizes the fact of sin in man, the first act of sin is not observed by
self-consciousness at the time of its occurrence. No man remembers the time
when he was innocent and the particular first act by which he became guilty
before God.
Guilt is caused by self-determination, not by
self-consciousness. Self-consciousness is not action, but vision; and it is
action, not the sight of an action that constitutes crime. A man is wrongly
inclining all the time to self and the creature, but he is not
self-conscious all the time that he is wrongly inclining. If it be said that
he might become self-conscious that he is so inclining, this does not prove
that such a self-consciousness is necessary in order to responsibility for
the wrong inclining. Even if he does not become self-conscious of his wrong
inclining (as he may not for days and weeks), this does not destroy the fact
that he is so inclining. It is the inclining, not the self-consciousness of
inclining, which constitutes the free action of his will; and it is this
free action which constitutes the sin and guilt. This is true also of the
momentary volition, as well as of the abiding inclination. If a man commits
a murder, it is not necessary that at the time when he stabs his victim he
should have that clear apprehension of the enormity of the act which he
subsequently has in order to be chargeable with murder. Sins of
thoughtlessness are as truly sinful as deliberate sins (Lev. 5:17–18; Luke
12:48). Men generally are not self-conscious of the “secret sins” (Ps.
19:12; 90:8) of feeling and desire which they are committing inwardly all
the time. The purpose of preaching the law is to produce the
self-consciousness of sin. The “darkness” in which, according to St. Paul
(Eph. 4:18), men “walk” is the thoughtless unconsciousness in which they
live and act. It is a proverb that man sins more the less that God and sin
are in his thoughts. The clearness of the self-consciousness is not the
measure of the intensity of the self-determination. The two may be in
inverse proportion. The will may be vehemently resolute and determined to a
particular end, and yet the understanding be very blind to the will’s
activity. It is frequently the case that great strength and energy in
voluntariness are accompanied with great obtuseness and stupidity in moral
perception. The most wicked and devilish men are oftentimes the most
apathetic and hardened of men. The will is awake and full of force, but the
conscience is asleep. When the sinner is convicted by the truth and Spirit
of God, he does not excuse or extenuate his guilt on the ground of his past
unconsciousness in sin. Even the heathen, when convinced of the abominations
of idolatry and of selfish lust in its varied forms, do not plead “the
ignorance that was in them because of the blindness of their hearts” in
excuse for having “given themselves over to work all uncleanness with
greediness” (Eph. 4:17).
It is on this ground that Samuel Hopkins contends that
infants are moral agents:
Many have supposed that none of
mankind are capable of sin or moral agency before they can distinguish
between right and wrong. But this wants proof which has never yet been
produced. And it appears to be contrary to divine revelation. Persons may be
moral agents and sin without knowing what the law of God is or of what
nature their exercises are and while they have no consciousness. (Works
1.233)
Hamilton (ed. Bowen, 13–14) contends that there are
agencies of the soul deeper than self-consciousness. Pascal, in the fourth
of his Provincial Letters,
shows the consequences of the position of the Jesuit that “nothing is
voluntary but what is accompanied with deliberation and clear consciousness
of the nature of the act.”53
There was, comparatively, more self-consciousness
attending the first sin for the posterity, if it was committed by them in
Adam, than can be found upon any other theory. The first sin of every man
must have been committed either (a) in Adam, (b) in the womb, or (c) in
infancy. We cannot conceive of any relation to or connection with
self-consciousness in the last two cases. We can in the first, for the
individuals Adam and Eve were self-conscious. So far as they were concerned,
the first sin was a very deliberate and intensely willful act. The human
species existing in them at that time acted in their act and sinned in their
sin, similarly as the hand or eye acts and sins in the murderous or lustful
act of the individual soul. The hand or the eye has no separate
self-consciousness of its own, parallel with the soul’s self-consciousness.
Taken by itself, it has no consciousness at all. But its union and oneness
with the self-conscious soul in the personal union of soul and body affords
all the self-consciousness that is possible in the case. The hand is coagent
with the soul and hence is particeps criminis54
and has a common guilt with the soul.
In like manner, the psychico-physical human nature
existing in Adam and Eve had no separate self-consciousness parallel with
that of Adam and Eve. Unlike the visible hand or eye, it was an invisible
substance or nature capable of being transformed into myriads of
self-conscious individuals; but while in Adam and not yet distributed and
individualized, it had no distinct self-consciousness of its own, any more
than the hand or eye in the supposed case. But existing, and acting in and
with these self-conscious individuals, it participated in their
self-determination and is chargeable with their sin, as the hand, and eye,
and whole body is chargeable with the sin of the individual man. As in the
instance of the individual unity, everything that constitutes it, body as
well as soul, is active and responsible for all that is done by this unity,
so in the instance of the specific unity: everything that constitutes it,
namely, Adam and the human nature in him, is active and responsible for all
that is done by this unity.
Original Sin as a Corruption
of Nature
The second part of “the sinfulness of that estate
whereinto man fell” consists in “the want of original righteousness and the
corruption of the whole nature.” This part of human sinfulness stands to the
first in the relation of effect to cause. Human nature in Adam and Eve
inclined from holiness to sin, and as a consequence that nature became
destitute of its original righteousness and morally corrupt.
It is easy to see how this negative destitution of
righteousness and positive inclination to evil, with all the moral
corruption attending it, should be imputed as guilt, provided it be conceded
that the first sin is really committed and righteously imputed. If it is
just to impute the cause, it is certainly just to impute the effect. But, on
the contrary, it is impossible to see why the corruption of nature should be
imputed as sin if the first sin is not. It is improper to impute the effect
when the cause cannot be imputed.55
It is here that the illogical character of the theory of
mediate imputation is apparent. This was first advanced by Placaeus in 1640.
To relieve, as he supposed, the Calvinistic doctrine of original sin of some
of its difficulties, he maintained that the corruption of nature which is
inherited from Adam is chargeable upon each individual as sin and guilt, but
the act of transgressing the probationary statute given in Eden is not
chargeable. This is to be imputed only to Adam and Eve as individuals. A man
is guilty and punishable for his evil heart, but not for Adam’s first sin.
His own personal corruption is imputable, because it is personal; but the
act of another person is not imputable, because it is another’s act.
Placaeus would impute Adam’s sin as a state, but not as an act; the
“corruption of nature,” but not the “guilt of the first sin” in the
Westminster formula.
This theory made a greater difficulty than it relieved.
The corruption of nature, according to Placaeus himself, is the effect of
Adam’s first sin. Why should the effect be imputed and not the cause? Such a
kind of imputation looked unreasonable and, as the Helvetic Consensus
Formula says, “imperiled the whole doctrine of original sin.” It would be
difficult to retain the imputation of the corruption of nature by this
method; and both the first sin and corruption would cease to be imputed.
The Synod of Charenton in 1644 condemned the view of
Placaeus and also charged him with denying the imputation of Adam’s sin. He
objected to this, saying that he did not deny the imputation of Adam’s sin
altogether, but only when stated in a certain manner:
For in these words [in the decree
of the synod] either the view expounded was not Placaeus’s or it was badly
stated. For he never simply denied the imputation of Adam’s first sin and
never wished to deny it. Since he would affirm a certain kind of imputation
of the first sin and deny another kind, his view is not represented if he is
said to deny—simply and without offering any distinction—the imputation of
Adam’s first sin.56
(Placaeus, Concerning
Imputation 1.3)
The criticism of Turretin (9.9.5) upon this is as
follows:
To break the force of the
statement of the Synod of Charenton, Placaeus distinguished between
immediate or antecedent imputation and between mediate or consequent
imputation. The former he calls that imputation [of Adam’s sin] by which the
first act of Adam was imputed immediately to all his posterity, Christ only
excepted, and antecedently to any inherent corruption. The latter, he calls
that imputation [of Adam’s sin] which follows upon seeing in the posterity
that hereditary corruption derived to them from Adam and which is brought
about by it [hereditary corruption] as the means or medium [of the
imputation].
The first “immediate” imputation Placaeus rejects, the
second “mediate” imputation he accepts; and upon this ground contends that
he does not reject the imputation of Adam’s sin absolutely and without
qualification.
But, as Turretin proceeds to say:
This distinction does in fact do
away with the imputation of Adam’s [first] sin altogether. For if the sin of
Adam is imputed to us only in this mediate manner, according to which we are
constituted guilty before God and made liable to penalty, on account of a
hereditary corruption which we derive from Adam, there is no real and proper
imputation of Adam’s [first] sin, but only of inherent corruption. This the
synod intended to prevent and proscribe by distinguishing original sin into
two parts, namely, inherent corruption and imputation proper [i.e., the
imputation of the first sin itself]—a thing that could not be done, if
imputation cannot be except upon the ground of a foregoing corruption of
nature. For it is one thing to be exposed to the wrath of God on account of
inherent and hereditary corruption and quite another thing to be exposed to
this wrath on account of Adam’s first act of sin.
The phrase original sin
in Westminster Shorter Catechism Q. 18 comprises both the first sin and the
corruption of nature: Adam’s sin both as an act and a resulting state of the
will. Edwards (Original Sin,
introduction) remarks that original sin “is vulgarly understood in that
latitude as to include not only the depravity of nature, but the imputation
of Adam’s first sin.” The whole truth of the doctrine of original sin
includes the imputation of both the first sin and the ensuing corruption.
The first sin of Adam and his posterity is immediately imputed to them as
sin, antecedently, in the order of nature, to inherent corruption, because
it was their voluntary act. And then the resulting inherent corruption is
imputed as sin; not, however, as in Placaeus’s theory, through itself as the
medium of the imputation, but through the medium of the first sin, because
this was the cause of it. Both the cause and the effect, both the first sin
and the corruption caused by it, are imputed to Adam and his posterity.
The phrase original sin
is sometimes employed to denote only the corruption of nature in distinction
from the sins of act that proceed from it. In this use of the term, original
sin is equivalent to the scriptural phrases “evil treasure of the heart”
(Mark 12:35), “corrupt tree” (12:33), “heart from which proceed evil
thoughts” (7:21), “stony heart” (Ezek. 11:19), “carnal mind” (Rom. 8:7),
“flesh” (8:4), among others.
It is also equivalent to the theological phrases
corrupt nature,
sinful inclination,
evil disposition,
and apostate will.
When the term nature
is applied to sin, it does not denote nature in the primary but the
secondary sense. In the primary sense, nature denotes a substance and one
that is created by God. In this sense, Augustine denies that sin is nature
and asserts that it is intentio
(Shedd, History of Doctrine
2.82; Theological Essays,
220). Howe (Oracles
2.24) remarks that “that evil heart, that nature, not as it is nature but as
it is depraved nature, is now transmitted.” When “nature” signifies created
substance, it is improper to call sin a nature. Aristotle (Politics
1.2) says: “What every being is in its perfect state, that certainly is the
nature of that being, whether it be a man, a horse, or a house.” Sin is
imperfection and therefore not “nature” in this sense. But there is a
secondary meaning of the word. In this use of it, “nature” denotes “natural
inclination” or “innate disposition.” In this sense, sin is a “nature,” and
the adjective natural
is applicable to the corruption of sin. In the same sense, holiness is
called a “nature” in 2 Pet. 1:4. Believers are “partakers of a divine
nature” by being regenerated and coming to possess a holy disposition or
inclination: “It is true that sin is a nature, but then it is a second
nature, a state of degeneration” (Nitzsch,
Christian Doctrine §107). Calvin (on Eph. 2:3)
says: “Since God is the author of nature, how comes it that no blame
attaches to God if we are lost by nature? I answer, there is a twofold
nature: The one produced by God and the other is corruption of it. We are
not born such as Adam was at first created” (see Formula of Concord 1.12;
Calvin 2.2.12).
Viewed as natural corruption, original sin may be
considered with respect to the understanding. It is blindness: “a light to
open blind eyes” (Isa. 42:7); “recovering of sight to the blind” (Luke
4:18); “know not that you are blind” (Rev. 3:17); “the god of this world has
blinded their minds” (2 Cor. 4:4). Many texts speak of regeneration as
“enlightening” (2 Cor. 4:6; Eph. 5:14; 1 Thess. 5:5; Ps. 97:11). And many
texts call sin “darkness” (Prov. 4:19; Isa. 60:2; Eph. 5:11; Col. 1:13; 1
John 2:11; 1 Thess. 5:4; Eph. 4:18 [“having the understanding (dianoia)57
darkened”]; Rom. 1:28 [“reprobate mind (noun)]”).58
Sin blinds and darkens the understanding by destroying
the consciousness of divine things. For example, the soul destitute of love
to God is no longer conscious of love, of reverence is no longer conscious
of reverence, etc. Its knowledge of such affections, therefore, is from
hearsay, like that which a blind man has of colors or a deaf man of sound.
God, the object of these affections, is of course unknown for the same
reason. The spiritual discernment spoken of in 1 Cor. 2:6 is the immediate
consciousness of a renewed man. It is experimental knowledge. Sin is
described in Scripture as voluntary ignorance: “This they willingly are
ignorant of, that by the word of God the heavens were of old” (2 Pet. 3:5).
Christ says to the Jews: “If I had not come and spoken unto them they had
not had sin”—the sin of “not knowing him that sent me” (John 15:21–22). But
the ignorance in this case was a willing ignorance. They desired to be
ignorant.
Another effect of original sin upon the understanding as
including the conscience is insensibility. It does not render conscience
extinct, but it stupefies it: “having cauterized their own conscience” (1
Tim. 4:2). A third effect is pollution: “even their reason (nous)59
and conscience (syneidēsis)60
are polluted” or stained (memiantai)61
(Titus 1:15); “they became vain in their reasonings” or speculations (dialogismous)62
(Rom. 1:21). The pollution of reason is seen in the foolish speculations of
mythology. The myths of polytheism are not pure reason. The pollution of
conscience is seen in remorse. The testifying faculty is spotted with guilt.
It is no longer a “good conscience” (Heb. 13:18 [kalēn
syneidēsin];63
1 Pet. 3:16, 21; 1 Tim. 1:5, 19; Acts 23:1 [syneidēsin
agathēn])64
or a “pure conscience” (1 Tim. 3:9:
syneidēsis kathara).65
It is an “evil conscience” (ponēra
syneidēsis):66
a conscience needing cleansing by atoning blood “from dead works” (Heb.
9:14). Dead works, being no fulfillment of the law, leave the conscience
perturbed and unpacified.
Considered with respect to the will, original sin is (a)
enmity (Rom. 8:6; James 4:4 [“the friendship of the world is enmity toward
God”]; Deut. 1:26 [“they rebelled against God”]; Job 34:37; Isa. 1:1; 30:9;
45:2; Ezek. 12:2); (b) hatred (Rom. 1:29; Ps. 89:23; 139:21; Exod. 20:5;
Prov. 1:25; 5:12; John 7:7; 15:18, 23–24); (c) hardness of heart or
insensibility (Exod. 7:14, 22; 2 Kings 17:14; Job 9:4; Isa. 63:17; Dan.
5:20; John 12:20; Acts 19:9; Heb. 3:8, 15; 4:7); (d) aversion (John 5:40
[“you will not (ou
thelēte),”67
you are disinclined]; Rev. 2:21); (e) obstinacy (Deut. 31:27
[“stiff-necked”]; Exod. 32:9; Ps. 75:5; Isa. 26:10; 43:4; Acts 7:51; Rom.
10:21); (f) bondage (Jer. 13:23; Mark 3:23; John 6:43–44; 8:34; Rom. 5:6;
6:20; 7:9, 14, 18, 23; 8:7–8; 9:16; 2 Pet. 2:14).
Corruption of Nature as Guilt
Original sin, considered as corruption of nature, is sin
in the sense of guilt: “They [the Lutherans] condemn the Pelagians and
others who deny that the flaw (vitium)
of our origin is sin”68
(Augsburg Confession 2); “every sin, both original and actual, being a
transgression of the righteous law of God does in its own nature bring guilt
upon the sinner, whereby he is bound over to the wrath of God and made
subject to death, temporal and eternal” (Westminster Confession 6.6);
“corruption of nature does remain in those that are regenerated, and
although it be through Christ pardoned and mortified, yet both itself and
all the motions thereof are truly and properly sin” (Westminster Confession
6.5). Semipelagian, papal, and Arminian anthropologies differ from the
Augustinian and Reformed by denying that corruption of nature is guilt. It
is a physical and mental disorder leading to sin, but is not sin itself.69
Corruption of nature is guilt because …
1. The Scriptures do not
distinguish between sin proper and improper.
Hamartia70
as denoting the principle of sin is exchanged with
paraptōma71
denoting the act of sin and vice versa (Rom. 5:13, 15–17, 19, 21).
2. Hamartia72
is the equivalent of
epithymia73
and sarx:74
“I had not known sin, except the law had said, You shall not lust” (7:7; cf.
8:3, 5).
3. The remainders of
corruption in the regenerate are hated as sin by the regenerate himself
(7:15) and by God, who slays them by his Spirit (8:13).
4. Evil desire is
forbidden in the tenth commandment (Exod. 20:17; cf. 1 John 2:16). The tenth
commandment, which the Septuagint renders
ouk epithymēseis,75
prohibits that internal lusting which is the chief characteristic of the
corrupt nature. It is also forbidden by Christ in his exposition of the
seventh commandment (Matt. 5:28): “Whosoever hates his brother is a
murderer” (1 John 3:15).
5. Corruption of nature is
guilt because it is the inclination of the will. It is “voluntary” though
not “volitionary.” It is conceded that the inclination to murder is as truly
culpable as the act of murder: “The thought (zimmâ)76
of foolishness is sin” (Prov. 24:9).
6. Corruption of nature is
guilt, upon the principle that the cause must have the same predicates as
its effects. If actual transgressions are truly and properly sin, then the
evil heart or inclination which prompts them must be so likewise. If the
stream is bitter water, the fountain must be also. If the murderer’s act is
guilt, then the murderer’s hate is.
7. If corruption of nature
or sinful disposition is not guilt, then it is an extenuation and excuse for
actual transgressions. These latter are less blameworthy, if the character
which prompts them and renders their avoidance more difficult is not
self-determined and culpable.
8. If corruption of nature
is not culpable, it is impossible to assign a reason why the dying infant
needs redemption by atoning blood. Christ came “by water and blood,” that
is, with both expiating and sanctifying power (1 John 5:6). But if there be
no guilt in natural depravity, Christ comes to the infant “by water only”
and not “by blood,” by sanctification and not by justification. Infant
redemption implies that the infant has guilt as well as pollution. The
infant has a rational soul; this soul has a will; this will is inclined;
this inclination, like that of an adult, is centered on the creature instead
of the Creator. This is culpable and needs pardon. It is also pollution and
needs removal.
9. God forgives original
sin as well as actual transgression when he bestows the “remission of sins.”
The “carnal mind” or the enmity of the heart is as great an offense against
his excellence and honor as any particular act that issues from it. Indeed,
if there be mutual goodwill between two parties, an occasional outward
offense is less serious.
Says Thirlwall (Letters,
46):
Suppose two friends really loving
one another, but liable now and then to quarrel. They may easily forgive the
occasional offense, because their habitual disposition is one of mutual
goodwill; but should the case be the reverse—hatred stifled, but
occasionally venting itself by unfriendly acts—how little would it matter
though they should forget the particular offense, if the enmity should
continue at the bottom of the heart.
This illustrates the guilt of sin as a state of the heart
toward God, and the need of its forgiveness and removal. (See supplement
4.5.7.)
With the Scriptures, the theologians assert that
corruption of nature is sin:
We must not only abstain from evil
deeds, but even from the desire to do them. Christ commanded not only to
abstain from things forbidden by the law, but even from longing after them.
Our Lord forbade concupiscence itself, as well as the act of adultery.
(Irenaeus, Against
Heresies 4.13)
The command not to lust condemns
the beginnings of sin, that is, unruly desires and wishes, no less than
overt acts. (Tertullian,
Concerning Modesty)
[Augustine defines sin to be]
something coveted, said, or done contrary to God’s law.77
(Turretin 9.1.3)
[Augustine] sometimes denominates
concupiscence infirmity, teaching that it becomes sin in cases where action
or consent is added to the conception of the mind; but sometimes he
denominates it sin; as when he says, “Paul gives the appellation of sin to
this from which all sins proceed, that is, to carnal concupiscence.” (Calvin
3.3.10)
If lust which wars against the
soul (1
Pet. 2:11) be already sin (Exod.
20:17;
Matt. 5:28),
then must the act of sin be regarded as augmenting its degree. (Nitzsch,
Christian Doctrine
§111)
By the precept concerning the tree
of knowledge, man was taught that God is Lord of all things and that it is
unlawful even to desire, but with his leave. Man’s true happiness is placed
in God alone, and nothing is to be desired but with submission to him.
(Witsius, Covenants
1.3.21)
The irregular pleasure proceeding
from the sensualized mind, inasmuch as it is corrupt, is sin; because it
ought to have been subject to reason and moves in an undue manner contrary
to reason. (Hales, quoted by Davenant,
Justification
2.214)
To root out the pernicious error
of self-righteousness, our Lord gives the spiritual intention of the law and
declares that the law had regard to the regulation of the heart with all its
first motions and actings. For he asserts that the first motions of
concupiscence, though not consented to, much less actually accomplished, are
directly forbidden in the law. This he does in his exposition of the seventh
commandment. He also declares the penalty of the law upon the least sin to
be hellfire, in his assertion of causeless anger to be forbidden in the
sixth commandment. (Owen,
Justification,
17)
Have we felt any evil desire in
our heart? we are already guilty of concupiscence and are become at once
transgressors of the law; because the Lord forbids us not only to plan and
attempt anything that would prove detrimental to another, but even to be
stimulated and agitated with concupiscence. The curse of God always rests on
the transgression of the law. We have no reason, therefore, to exempt even
the most trivial emotions of concupiscence from the sentence of death.
(Calvin 2.8.58)
The law says, “Do not lust.” And
so, even if you do not give assent to the lust which inflames you, this very
impulse of your flesh is sin nevertheless.78
(Bullinger)
Original Sin as Voluntary
Inclination
The position that original sin is voluntary inclination
has been maintained in anthropology from the beginning of speculation upon
the subject. Augustine argues as follows with Julian: “Says Julian, ‘If sin
is from will, then it is an evil will that produces sin; but if from nature,
then an evil nature produces sin.’ I quickly reply that sin is from will.
Then he asks ‘whether original sin is also from will.’ I answer, certainly,
original sin also, because this was transmitted from the will of the first
man” (Concerning Marriages
2.28.2). Turretin defines sin as “an inclination, action, or omission
opposing God’s law”79
(9.1.3). Ursinus, speaking of corruption of nature in infants, says that
“infants want not the faculty of will, and though in act they do not will
sin, yet they will it by inclination” (Christian
Religion, Original Sin Q. 7). Rivetus asserts
that “concupiscence is a voluntary inclination”80
(Explication of the Decalogue,
v. 15). William of Auxerre, quoted by Davenant (Justification
2.214), asserts that “the movement of wrong desire in man is a voluntary
act, and it is sin, even when it moves before the reason has had time to
exercise its judgment.” Says Charnock (Holiness
of God, 476), “There is no sin but is in some
sort voluntary; voluntary in the root or voluntary in the branch; voluntary
by an immediate act of the will [volition] or voluntary by a general or
natural inclination of the will [self-determination]. That is not a crime,
to which a man is violenced without any concurrence of the faculties of the
soul to that act.” Says Owen (Vindication of
the Gospel, 6): “Original sin, as
peccatum originans,81
was voluntary in Adam; and as it is originatum82
in us is in our wills habitually [as a habitus]
and not against them, in any actings of it or them. The effects of it, in
the coining of sin and in the thoughts of men’s hearts, are all voluntary”
(cf. Indwelling Sin
6.12). Says Howe (Oracles
2.24):
We must understand that an evil
inclination or a depraved nature is that which does first violate the law of
God; and so that it is not infelicity only to be ill inclined, but it is
sin: sin in the highest and most eminent sense thereof. It is the habitual
frame and bent of the soul which the law of God does in the first place
direct. So that the empoisoned nature of man, the malignity of the heart and
soul, is that which makes the first and principal breach upon the law of
God.
It must be remembered that sin in its entire history is
inclination and self-determination. While it is true that the first sin of
Adam is the fall of the human race and decides its eternal destiny apart
from redemption, yet it must not be supposed that after the first act of
Adam, all self-determination ceases. Original sin as corruption of nature in
each individual is only the continuation of the first inclining away from
God. The self-determination of the human will from God to the creature, as
an ultimate end, did not stop short with the act in Eden, but goes right
onward in every individual of Adam’s posterity, until regeneration reverses
it. As progressive sanctification is the continuation of that holy
self-determination of the human will which begins in its regeneration by the
Holy Spirit, so the progressive depravation of the natural man is the
continuation of that sinful self-determination of the human will which began
in Adam’s transgression.
In connection with the doctrine that the corruption of
nature is the same as the free inclination of the will, a position of
Edwards is sometimes misunderstood and misapplied. Edwards (Will
4.1) asserts that “the virtuousness or viciousness of a disposition consists
not in the origin or cause of it, but in the nature of it.” This position
cannot be understood without taking into view the error which Edwards was
combating. He was opposing the view of Arminian writers Taylor, Whitby, and
others that a disposition or inclination cannot be chargeable as guilt
unless it has been originated by a volitionary act preceding it. Their
doctrine of the will implied that inclination can be produced by volition,
and must be in order to responsibility for the inclination. This Edwards
denies: “It is agreeable to the natural notions of mankind that moral evil,
with its desert of dislike and abhorrence, and all its other ill deservings,
consists in a certain deformity in the nature of certain dispositions of the
heart and acts of the will and not in the deformity of something else,
diverse from the very thing itself which deserves abhorrence, supposed to be
the cause of it.” That is to say, the disposition of the heart or
inclination of the will is in its own quality and nature an evil disposition
and does not get its evil quality from “something else”—namely, a volition
that went before it and caused it. If a man is inclined or disposed to sin,
this inclination or disposition is itself sin. It is not necessary that he
should, previously to the inclining, resolve to incline or choose to incline
in order that the inclination should be sinful. The inclining itself is sin
and guilt:
Thus, for instance, ingratitude is
hateful and worthy of dispraise, according to common sense, not because
something as bad or worse than ingratitude was the cause that produced it;
but because it is hateful in itself by its own inherent deformity. So the
love of virtue is amiable and worthy of praise, not merely because something
else went before this love of virtue in our minds which caused it to take
place there (for instance our own choice [volition]—we chose to love virtue
and by some method or other wrought ourselves into the love of it), but
because of the amiableness and condecency of such a disposition and
inclination of the heart.
In other words, Edwards here teaches that a man does not
choose to incline, but he inclines; he does not choose to love, but he
loves. The first thing in the order is not a volition and then after this a
disposition or inclination; but the first thing is a disposition or
inclination and then a volition.
Now it is only with reference to the relation of a
volition to a disposition or inclination that Edwards lays down the position
that “the virtuousness or viciousness of a disposition lies not in the
origin of it, but in the nature of it.” He does not carry the position any
further than this. When the volition is left out of the account and only the
disposition or inclination is considered, Edwards teaches that this must
have a free origin or else it is not sin. The whole purpose of his
celebrated argument to prove that Adam and his posterity were one agent in
the origin of sin is to show how the sinful disposition is the working of
spontaneity or unforced inclination. When it comes to that act of will by
which man inclines to sin, Edwards affirms that man is the self-moved and
guilty actor and author of it. In his treatise on the will (4.1), he remarks
as follows:
If any shall still object and say:
Why is it not necessary that the cause should be considered in order to
determine whether anything be worthy of blame or praise? Is it agreeable to
reason and common sense that a man is to be praised or blamed for that which
he is not the cause or author of and has no hand in? I answer, such phrases
as “being the cause,” “being the author,” “having a hand in,” and the like
are ambiguous. They are most
vulgarly understood for being the
designing voluntary [volitionary] cause or cause by antecedent choice: and
it is most certain that men are not in this sense the causes or authors of
the first act of their wills [i.e., of their inclination or disposition], in
any case; as certain as anything is or ever can be; for nothing can be more
certain than that a thing is not before it is nor a thing of the same kind
before the first thing of that kind; and so no choice before the first
choice. As, however, the phrase
being the author
may be understood, not of being the producer by an antecedent act of will
[i.e., a volition], but as a person may be said to be the author of the act
of the will itself by his being the immediate agent or the being that is
acting or in the exercise of that act; if the phrase
being the author
is used to signify this, then doubtless common sense requires men’s being
the authors of their own acts of will in order to their being esteemed
worthy of praise or dispraise on account of them. And common sense teaches
that they must be the authors of external actions in the former sense,
namely, their being the causes of them by an act of will or choice
[volition], in order to their being justly blamed or praised; but it teaches
no such thing in respect to the internal acts of will themselves.83
In this last remark, Edwards concedes that a volition
precedes an outward act and is the cause of it. The Arminian position in
respect to volitionary action is true up to this point. An external act is
not sinful or holy unless preceded by a volition. But with reference to that
internal action of the will which is denominated its inclination or
disposition, he holds that the Arminian position is not true. There is no
need of a volition to precede this in order to make it sinful or holy; but
it is so in its own nature, because it is the spontaneity of the man,
because it is the action of “the immediate agent or the being that is acting
or in the exercise of the act.”84
When the question “is man the responsible author of his
sinful inclination not by an antecedent volition to incline but by a present
actual inclining?” is asked, Edwards answers in the affirmative:
As a person may be said to be the
author of the act of the will itself, not by an antecedent act of will
[i.e., by a foregoing volition], but by his being the immediate agent or the
being that is acting or in the exercise of that act; if the phrase
being the author
is used to signify this, then, doubtless, common sense requires men’s being
the authors of their own acts of will in order to their being esteemed
worthy of praise or dispraise on account of them.
Edwards’s objection to the doctrine that the will chooses
to choose or chooses its choices—namely, that it supposes “a choice before
the first choice” and that this is as absurd as that “a thing is before it
is” or that there is “a thing of the same kind before the first thing of the
same kind”—implies that there is such a thing as a “first choice.” But since
he employed the term choice
indiscriminately to include all the action of the will, the first choice
with him meant an inclination or disposition of the will, not a volition
(proper). There is no action of the will that precedes its inclination or
disposition. Consequently, this is the primary action, the “first choice” of
the will. The other action of the will in volitions (proper) is second
choice. This “first choice” of the will in spontaneously inclining Edwards
denominates a “leading act,” an “original act,” the “first determining act”
(Will 3.4). The
word act in this
instance means activity or self-motion or self-determination, not in the
Arminian sense of self-determination, which is a volition coupled with power
to the contrary and is really indetermination not self-determination, but
self-determination in the Calvinistic sense of spontaneously inclining or in
the sense of “the immediate agent or the being that is acting or in the
exercise of the act,” as Edwards phrases it.
Again, that Edwards held the inclination or disposition
of the will to be voluntary agency is proved by his position that the
inclination or disposition is an object either of command or of prohibition.
A man is commanded to have a holy inclination and forbidden to have a sinful
one. He is so commanded when he is commanded to love God with all his heart.
Love is inclination. He is prohibited from having a sinful inclination when
he is prohibited from lust in any form. The tenth commandment prohibits a
sinful inclination. But commands and prohibitions are addressed to the will
and require or forbid something that is truly voluntary. The following is
the phraseology of Edwards upon this point: “The will itself [i.e., the
inclination of the will], and not only those actions which are the effects
of the will [inclination], is the proper object of precept or command. That
is, such or such a state or act of men’s wills is in many cases properly
required of them by command; and not merely those alterations in the state
of their bodies or minds only that are consequences of volition.” Again he
remarks: “The will itself [i.e., the inclination] may be required, and the
being of a goodwill is the most proper, direct, and immediate subject of
command” (Will
3.4; 4.13).
It is important to notice by reference to the connection
in what sense Edwards uses the term choice
or volition.
Sometimes the term denotes volition in distinction from inclination;
sometimes it denotes inclination considered as voluntary agency. Had he
appropriated the terms choice
and volition to
only one form of the will’s activity, he would have been less liable to
misapprehension. The charge of fatalism urged by some against Edwards arises
from a failure to observe, that while Edwards taught that volitions
necessarily agree with the inclination and have no power over it, he also
taught that the inclination itself is free not necessitated agency. In the
instance of a holy inclination, it was either created or recreated by God.
In the instance of a sinful inclination, it was self-originated in the fall
of Adam. The inclination of the will is free spontaneity in both instances.
In the former, it results from God working in the will to will; in the
latter, it is the will in its solitary self-motion.
The dictum of Edwards to which we have referred is
misapplied, sometimes, by writers whose view of sin and the will is
substantially that of Edwards. They agree that a man is responsible for his
sinful volitions, because they issue from his sinful inclination; but when
asked why a man is responsible for his sinful inclination, instead of
answering that this had a free and self-determined origin in Adam, they take
refuge in the dangerous position that the sinfulness of an inclination does
not depend upon its origin but upon its nature and that it is of no
consequence how it originated: “Malignity is evil, and love is good, whether
concreated, innate, acquired, or infused. A malignant being is a sinful
being, if endowed with reason, whether he was so made or so born” (Hodge,
Theology 2.808).
In this statement, holiness and sin are made to hold precisely the same
relation to God and the human will, when in fact they hold totally different
relations. All four of these adjectives will apply to “love,” but only two
of them to “malignity,” namely, “innate” and “acquired.” God creates a holy
inclination or disposition whenever he creates a holy will in man or angel;
and he recreates a holy inclination whenever he regenerates a sinner.
Holiness is good and meritorious, “whether concreated, innate, acquired, or
infused.” But then it is meritorious only in a relative sense. Since God is
the ultimate author of holiness in both the creation and the regeneration of
the will, to him belongs the glory of it. Man is not the originating agent,
when holy inclination is the instance. God works in him to will. But the
case is wholly different in the instance of an evil disposition or
inclination. Man is the sole author, here. The demerit here is absolute, not
relative. The doctrine of created holiness is true, but not of created sin;
of infused holiness, but not of infused sin. To say that God can “create”
and “infuse” a malignant inclination is to contradict the explicit teaching
of Scripture, which asserts that God cannot sin and that he hates sin with
an infinite hatred. God cannot create and infuse what he hates and punishes.
And it shocks alike the moral sentiment of the natural man and the holy
reverence of the renewed man. An evil inclination may be “innate” or
“acquired.” But it cannot be “created” or “infused.” There may be a created
merit, but not a created demerit. God can create and infuse holiness, but
not sin.
The testimony of Scripture and of consciousness is to
this effect. When David in Ps. 51 is brought to a sense of the wickedness of
his heart or sinful disposition, he never dreams of referring this
disposition to God as its Creator and Author. He imputes his inborn
depravity to himself. He acknowledges that the demerit of it is absolute. It
is the creature’s agency and the creature’s only. He describes it as
“innate,” but not as “created” or “infused” by God. He derives it from his
mother, but not from his maker. But when David rejoiced over his own holy
disposition and that of the people to honor God in the erection of a temple,
his utterance is very different: “Whom am I, and what is my people that we
should be able to offer so willingly after this sort? For all things come of
you, and of your own have we given you” (1 Chron. 29:14). (See supplement
4.5.8.)
Because holiness can be created and infused, it does not
follow that sin can be, unless it can be shown, first, that the demerit of
sin is only a relative demerit, as the merit of holiness is only a relative
and gracious merit; and, second, that God’s creative agency can be exerted
in the origination of sin in the same manner that it is in the origination
of holiness, namely, by direct spiritual efficiency and operation.
When it is said that “malignity is evil,” it is meant of
course that it is morally evil, that is, damnable and punishable. The
punishableness of it is what constitutes it evil. It is not evil in the
sense that poverty or sickness are evils. To say, therefore, that such a
form of evil as sin can be understood without looking at the origin of it is
self-contradictory. A malignant disposition is morally evil, that is,
damnable and punishable, only in case it is guilt. If it is misfortune, it
is not moral evil at all. If therefore it is not the product of the human
will solely, but the product of God working in the human will, if it is
“created” and “infused,” it is certainly neither damnable nor punishable.
Auctor mali non ultor mali.85
It is no answer to say that a holy disposition is commendable and
rewardable, and yet this is created and infused. The merit in this case, we
repeat, is gracious and pactional and does not rest upon any absolute and
primary obligation in God to reward. God in this case rewards his own grace
and his own work in his creature. But the demerit of a sinful disposition is
absolute, and its reward necessary, that is, resting upon an absolute and
primary obligation in God as just to punish sin. God in this case does not
punish his own cooperating agency in a creature’s will or visit with
judicial infliction his own work.
Thus it appears that the “nature” of man’s sinful
inclination or disposition cannot be determined except by knowing its
“origin.” If it originates in one way, it is not sin; if in another, it is
sin. Suppose that a judge should say to a jury: “You are not to look at the
origin of this act of killing, but only at the nature of it; killing a man
is killing a man, whatever may be the source from which the act originated.”
The reply would be that it is impossible to determine the nature of the act
in this instance without tracing it to its origin. Killing is of the nature
of murder, only in case it originates in a murderous inclination and
purpose. The nature depends upon the origin. In like manner, it is
impossible to decide that a particular human disposition or inclination is
of a culpable and damnable nature until it has been decided whether God or
man is the author of it. The very epithet
original applied to Adam’s first sin implies
that its origin is a feature that is vital to the understanding of it, that
its nature cannot be determined but by examining its first source. The term
original when
applied to sin implies that it originates in man. But the very same term
when applied to righteousness implies that it originates in God: “In all
agency, whether of good or evil, much is wont to be attributed to this: who
was first in it? In point of good, the blessed God has no competitor; he is
the undoubted first fountain of all good and is therefore acknowledged the
supreme good. In point of evil (namely, moral) there is none prior to the
devil, who is therefore eminently called the evil or wicked one” (Howe,
Living Temple
2.8).
Original sin is to be distinguished from indwelling sin.
The latter is the remainder of original sin in the regenerate. Its workings
are described in Rom. 7:14–8:27 (Shedd,
Commentary in loco). It is not, like original
sin, a dominant and increasing principle in the believer, but a subjugated
and diminishing one. Indwelling sin is the minuendo movement of sin. “It has
a dying fall.” Original sin is the crescendo movement:
Original sin does not remain in
the same manner after regeneration as it remained before; for there are two
remarkable differences. In the unregenerate, it occupies all the faculties
of the soul peaceably and rules in their mind, will, and affections; but in
the regenerate, it neither dwells peaceably, because grace from above is
infused into them, which daily opposes this disease, and more and more
expels it from every faculty of the soul; nor does it rule over them,
because grace prevailing and predominating restrains it and sends it as it
were under the yoke. The other difference is that in the unregenerate it has
the guilt of eternal death annexed to it; but in the regenerate it is
absolved from this fruit, for the sake of Christ the mediator. (Davenant,
Justification,
15)
Says Luther (Table Talk: Of
Sins): “Original sin after regeneration is
like a wound that begins to heal; though it be a wound, yet it is in course
of healing, though it still runs and is sore. So, original sin remains in
Christians until they die, yet itself is mortified and continually dying.
Its head is crushed to pieces, so that it cannot condemn us.” Indwelling sin
is denominated “the law in (not
of) the members” (Rom. 7:23); original sin is denominated “the law of sin
and death” (8:2). (See supplement 4.5.9.)
Original Sin and Moral
Inability
The bondage of sin is defined in Westminster Larger
Catechism 25. It describes the corruption of nature, called original sin in
distinction from actual transgression, as that corruption “whereby man is
utterly indisposed, disabled, and made opposite to all that is spiritually
good.” The Westminster Confession describes this corruption as that “whereby
we are utterly indisposed, disabled, and made opposite to all good, and
wholly inclined to all evil.” The creeds of the Lutheran and Calvinistic
churches are equally explicit upon this point.86
For the scriptural proof, see p. 502.
This introduces the subject of the inability to good of
the apostate will, respecting which the following particulars are to be
noted: (a) the inability relates to spiritual good and (b) the inability is
self-caused and voluntary.
In the Westminster statement, the inability and
opposition of the will relates to all that is “spiritually good.” Spiritual
good is holiness, and holiness is supreme love of God and equal love of man.
The creed statement therefore is that apostate man, alone and of himself, is
unable to love God with all his soul and his neighbor as himself. He cannot
start such an affection as this in his heart. He cannot originate within his
will an inclination or disposition that is “spiritually good.” The inability
relates to voluntary action in distinction from volitionary, to
self-determination to an ultimate end in distinction from the choice of
particular means.
The doctrine in question does not imply that fallen man
is unable to be moral; but that he is unable to be spiritual, holy, and
religious. St. Paul teaches (Rom. 2:14) that some unregenerate pagans
practice morality; that they “do by nature the things contained in the law,”
that is, some things contained in the law (ta
tou nomou),87
not all things.88
Their obedience is fractional and imperfect. Under the natural stimulus of
conscience, they refrain more or less from vice and live more or less
virtuously, as compared with others around them. But this morality is not
supreme love of God and perfect obedience of his law. St. Paul denies that
these virtuous heathen are spiritually good and holy when he affirms that,
if tested by the law that requires supreme love of God, “every mouth must be
stopped and all the world become guilty before God” (3:19); that “all have
sinned and come short of the glory of God” (3:23); and that “there is none
righteous, no, not one” (3:10).
Again, this inability and opposition to all that is
“spiritually” good does not imply that fallen man is destitute of certain
natural and instinctive affections that are attractive and beneficent.89
First in the list are family affections. The love of the parent for the
child, of the children for the parents, of brothers and sisters for each
other, is an amiable sentiment and oftentimes leads to great self-sacrifice.
But the self-sacrifice is for the brother or sister, not for God. Family
affection may and often does exist without any supreme love of God. It may
and often does lead to disobedience of God. The workings of natural
affection must be subordinated to the claims of Christ in order to become
religious affection or “spiritually good”: “He that loves father or mother
more than me is not worthy of me” (Matt. 11:37). When the two come in
conflict, the instinctive human affection if allowed sway is positively
idolatrous and irreligious.
Second are social affections. Man is instinctively
interested in his fellowman and performs many acts of self-sacrifice and
generosity toward him. The sailor will share his last crust with his fellow
sailor; the fireman will risk his own life for a fellow creature whom he
never saw before and will never see again. But both actions may be
performed, and often have been, by one who takes the name of God in vain and
breaks every other commandment of the Decalogue whenever he is tempted to
it. The self-sacrifice in this instance, also, is for man, not for God. The
act in this case is one of gallantry or courage, and the common sense of man
never denominates it a spiritual and holy act. Men call it “noble” and
reward it by some token of admiration: a silver cup or a purse of money.
They would not think of so rewarding a spiritual or holy act, like that of
the martyr who dies for his faith in Christ or of the missionary who lays
his bones among the savages to whom he has preached the gospel.
Third are civil affections. Man is by his constitution a
political animal, as Aristotle denominates him. He is interested in the
nation and country to which he belongs by reason of his birth. This
patriotic feeling, like social and family affections, rises up instinctively
and uniformly in every man, the unregenerate as well as regenerate. This,
too, like the others, is not spiritual and holy in its nature. The most
intense patriotism may be accompanied with atheism and unbelief and
immorality. Such patriotism is expressed in the sentiment: “My country—right
or wrong.”
Fourth, the esthetic feeling is not spiritual or
religious. A love for the beautiful in art has nothing of holy virtue in it:
“Who will affirm that a disposition to approve of the harmony of good music
or the beauty of a square or equilateral triangle is the same with true
holiness or a truly virtuous disposition of mind?” (Edwards,
Nature of Virtue). Good
taste is not piety and religion. A refined voluptuary is oftentimes a good
judge in fine art; and even a coarse sensualist may be. Turner, one of the
first painters that England has produced, was an example of the latter. Good
taste may be spiritualized and elevated by being associated with and
subordinated to a higher affection. But until this is done, it is of the
earth earthly. It terminates only on that which is finite and temporal; and
anything that terminates solely upon earth and time is unspiritual and
unreligious. The same is true of the love of literature and science. Human
discipline and culture is not holiness of heart and spirituality of mind.
In all these instances, we have to do with a portion of
man’s constitution that is outside of the voluntary nature. We are concerned
with instinct, using the term in a wide sense, not with will. In its narrow
and common signification, instinct signifies only the impulse of animal
nature in brutes. But it may be used to denote all the constitutional
impulses of human nature. Man did not lose esthetic impulse and feeling by
the apostasy of his will; neither did he lose family, social, or civil
affections. When he inclined away from God he did not incline away from art,
science, the family-state, society, government, and country. His instinctive
and constitutional interest in all these objects continued after the
apostasy. His will was revolutionized, but not his instinctive nature. His
love of God was gone, but not his love of family, country, beauty. Man
continued to take pleasure in finite objects and relations, but lost delight
in infinite and eternal objects and relations.
The foundation of all these affections is natural
instinct, not will. They are constitutional, not voluntary; physical, not
moral. Their source and basis is physical, using the term etymologically and
broadly, to denote that which belongs to the
physis90
or created nature of man. The family affection is founded in blood and
lineage. A father does not love and toil for another man’s son. The
patriotic affection springs from flesh and birth. An Englishman will not lay
down his life for a Frenchman. Aristotle notices this. He founds the state
upon the family, and the family he founds upon the sexual relation and
affection, which manifests itself “not through voluntary choice, but by that
natural impulse which acts both in plants and animals, namely, the desire of
leaving behind them others like themselves” (Politics
1.2). The esthetic feeling, also, is founded in the created constitutional
nature, but in the mental not the animal side of it. It does not depend,
like family and patriotic affection, on affinity in blood and birth.
There is nothing voluntary in the love of a parent for
his child, in the love of a citizen for his country, in the love of the
artist for beauty. They are not the inclination of the will. This is proved
by the fact that the apostasy of the will does not radically change them. If
they belonged to the will, they would be converted into their contraries
when the will is. When man began to be destitute of love to God, he would
begin to be destitute of love for his family and his nation. In becoming an
enemy of God and holiness, he would become an enemy of his family, society,
culture, and art. In becoming disinclined and averse toward the Creator, he
would become disinclined and averse toward these forms of the creature also.
In the Westminster statement, the disability or inability
is connected with the disposition and inclination of the will. Man is
“indisposed to all spiritual good and inclined to all [spiritual] evil.” It
follows from this that the cause and seat of the inability in question is in
the action and state of the voluntary faculty. It is moral or willing
inability: “For the will is a slave to sin, not unwillingly but willingly.
For indeed, the ‘will’ (voluntas)
is not called the ‘unwill’ (noluntas)”91
(Second Helvetic Confession 9).
In denominating it “moral” inability, it is not meant
that it arises merely from habit or that it is not “natural” in any sense of
the word nature.
A man is sometimes said to be morally unable to do a thing, when it is very
difficult for him to do it by reason of an acquired habit, but not really
impossible. This is not the sense of the word
moral when applied to the sinner’s inability
to holiness. He is really and in the full sense of the word impotent. And
the cause of this impotence is not a habit of doing evil which he has formed
in his individual life, but a natural disposition which he has inherited
from Adam. The term moral,
therefore, when applied to human inability denotes that it is voluntary in
distinction from created. Man’s impotence to good does not arise from the
agency of God in creation but from the agency of man in apostasy.
Whether, therefore, it can ever be called “natural”
inability will depend upon the meaning given to the term
nature. (a) If nature means
that which is created by God, there is no natural inability to good in
fallen man. But if nature means “natural disposition” or “natural
inclination,” there is a “natural” inability to good in fallen man. (b)
Again, “natural” sometimes means something which is born with man in
distinction from that which he acquires after birth, something in man at
birth, yet not caused by birth. In this sense, man’s inability to good is
“natural.” It is innate inability. The Scriptures sometimes employ the word
in this sense: “The natural man receives not the things of the Spirit of
God, neither can he know them” (1 Cor. 2:14); “and were by nature (physei;92
i.e., by birth) children of wrath” (Eph. 2:3); “conceived in sin and shaped
in iniquity” (Ps. 51:5). In this last passage, “conceived” is not synonymous
with “created” and must be carefully distinguished from it. So, also, in
Rom. 9:11: “The children being not yet born” does not mean “the children
being not yet created.” As opposed, therefore, to what is natural in the
sense of created by God, man’s inability is moral, not natural; but as
opposed to what is moral in the sense of acquired by habit, maninability is
natural. When “natural” means “innate,” we assert that inability is
“natural.” When “natural” means “created,” we assert that inability is
“moral,” that is, voluntary. (See supplement 4.5.10.)
Owing to this ambiguity in the signification of the terms
natural and
moral, the elder
Calvinistic theologians did not use either term exclusively to denote the
sinner’s inability to good. Sometimes they employ one and sometimes the
other and explain their meaning. The creeds of the Lutheran and Calvinistic
churches frequently use the word natural
and assert entire inability with great decision and unanimity: “When God
converts a sinner, he frees him from his natural bondage under sin”
(Westminster Confession 9.4).93
(See supplement 4.5.11.)
The elder Edwards differs from the old Calvinists in two
particulars: (1) in refusing to denominate the bondage of the human will
“natural inability” and (2) in denying that “moral inability,” by which term
exclusively he designates the sinner’s bondage, is “inability proper.” As
these positions bring Edwards into contradiction with himself and open the
way for a different anthropology from that contained in his writings
generally and particularly in his treatise
Original Sin, we direct attention to them. His
view is contained in the following statements: “Natural inability alone is
properly called inability” (Will
in Works 2.104);
“no inability which is merely moral is properly called by the name
inability” (Will
in Works 2.103).94
In his treatise Will
(in Works 2.104),
Edwards defines “natural inability” as the want of the requisite mental
faculties. Consequently, “natural ability” for him is the possession of the
requisite mental faculties viewed apart from their moral state and
condition. In so viewing them, he differs from the elder Calvinists, who
regarded a mental faculty and its moral condition as inseparable. Edwards
conceives of the will abstractly and separate from its inclination and, as
so conceived, contends that it is “naturally able” to obey the law of God.
The elder Calvinists denied that the will can be so conceived of.
“Natural inability,” says Edwards, “arises from the want
of natural capacity or from external hindrance.” A man would be naturally
unable to obey the divine law if he were destitute of any of the faculties
of the human soul or if he were prevented from obeying the divine law by
external force. Now, argues Edwards, inasmuch as man is not destitute of
either understanding or will and is not compelled to sin by outward
circumstances or by another being, it cannot be said that man is naturally
unable to obey the divine law. This is true of the fallen man as well as of
the unfallen.
Again, Edwards defines “natural inability” with reference
to inclination or disposition. If a man is inclined to do a thing and is
prevented, he is naturally unable. “We are said,” he remarks (Will
in Works 2.15),
“to be naturally unable to do a thing when we cannot do it if we will [i.e.,
are inclined], because what is most commonly called nature does not allow it
or because of some impeding defect or obstacle that is extrinsic to the
will, either in the faculty of understanding, constitution of body, or
external objects.”
There are two criticisms to be made upon this statement.
In the first place, if “the impeding defect or obstacle in the faculty of
understanding” should amount to the total absence of reason, it would not be
possible for a man to have an inclination to obey. An idiot or an insane
person is not a moral agent and is incapable of moral inclination. If,
however, Edwards means only a deficiency in intelligence that hinders the
man in acting out his inclination—as when a man, though inclined to a right
course, does not know what is the best means of accomplishing it—then, in
this case, the will or inclination would be taken for the deed, and this
would not be an instance of inability.
In the second place, if a man is inclined to obey God,
but is prevented in a particular instance from performing the outward
service by sickness or by imprisonment—by “constitution of body” or by
“external objects”—he is regarded by God, who always looks upon the truth or
reality of things, as an obedient servant: “If there be a willing mind (prothymia),95
it is accepted according to what a man has and not according to what he has
not” (2 Cor. 8:12). The inclination is the obedience; and Edwards supposes
the inclination. This case, also, is not an instance of inability to obey
the divine law. “The very willing is the doing,” says Edwards himself (Will
in Works 2.17).
Edwards’s denial of “natural inability” is equivalent
inferentially and indirectly to the assertion of “natural ability.” But he
nowhere formally and directly asserts “natural ability” and in one instance
directly and explicitly denies and combats it:
It will follow on our author’s
principles that redemption is needless and Christ is dead in vain. For God
[according to him] has given a sufficient power and ability, in all mankind,
to do all their duty and wholly to avoid sin. Yea, this author insists upon
it that when men have not sufficient power
to do their duty, they have no
duty to do. These things fairly imply that men have in their own natural
ability sufficient means to avoid sin and to be perfectly free from it, and
so from all the bad consequences of it. And if the means are sufficient,
then there is no need of more; and therefore there is no need of Christ’s
dying, in order to it. (Original
Sin in
Works
2.464)
The explanation is this. Edwards was combating the
doctrine of Whitby and Taylor that apostate man has plenary power to keep
the divine law. Consequently, he had no motive to advocate the doctrine of
ability in any form. His great object in the controversy was to establish
the doctrine of inability. When, however, he is pushed by his opponents with
the objection, that if there be no power in fallen man to keep the divine
law there is no obligation to keep it, instead of recurring, as the elder
Calvinists did, to the fall in Adam and the loss of ability by a free act of
will,96
Edwards meets the objection by asserting that fallen man is under no
“natural inability” to keep the divine law and in this way implies that he
has a “natural ability” to keep it. But when his definition of the “natural
ability” thus indirectly attributed to fallen man is examined, it proves not
to be efficient and real power, but only a quasi ability that is incapable
of producing the effect required in the objection, namely, perfect
obedience. In this way, he evades the objection of his opponent rather than
answers it. “It is easy,” he says (Will
in Works 2.17),
“for a man to do the thing if he will [is inclined], but the very willing
[inclining] is the doing. Therefore, in these things to ascribe a
nonperformance to the want of power or ability is not just, because the
thing wanting is not a being able, but a being willing. There are faculties
of mind and capacity of nature and everything sufficient but a disposition;
nothing is wanting but a will [inclination].” But this amounts only to the
truism that the sinner is able to obey the law of God if he is inclined to
obey it and avoids the point in dispute. For the real question is whether
the sinner can originate the “thing that is wanting” in order to obedience,
namely, “a being willing” or a disposition to obey. Edwards always and
everywhere asserts that he cannot; but for the purpose of meeting the
objection that if the sinner is unable to obey he is not obligated to obey,
he contends that it is improper to call the inability to “be willing” or
inclined an inability, because the mere existence of the faculty of will
without the power to change its disposition constitutes ability. “To ascribe
a nonperformance,” says Edwards, “in these things, to the want of power is
not just; because the thing wanting is not a being able, but a being
willing. There are faculties of mind and a capacity of nature and everything
sufficient but a disposition.” But the absence of a disposition to obey is
fatal. The presence of a disposition to obey is necessary in order to
obedience. No man can obey the divine law without being willing or inclined
to obey it; and Edwards asserts over and over again that the sinner is
unable to incline himself to obedience. A man destitute of an inclination to
obey the divine law cannot obey it merely because he has the abstract
faculty of will. Volitionary acts can be performed, but since they do not
proceed from a right inclination, they are not obedience. The sinner’s
so-called natural ability, consisting of everything except a “disposition”
to obey, consists of everything necessary to efficient power except
efficiency itself. The ability to obey is an ability to incline, because it
is the inclination of the will that constitutes true obedience.
Consequently, if inclining to good is not within the competence of the
sinner, he is unable to obey.
In order, therefore, that a man destitute of an
inclination to obey the divine law may be said without any equivocation to
be “able” to obey, he must be able to originate such an inclination. The
question that settles the question respecting “ability” and precludes all
evasion is this: Has fallen man the ability to start and begin that right
inclination of will which is the essence of obedience and without which it
is impossible to obey the law of God? If so, he has without any ambiguity
the “ability” to perfectly obey the divine law. But if not, he is unable to
obey it, and this impotence is properly called inability. In answering this
question, Edwards is explicit in the negative and stands upon the position
of Augustine and Calvin in respect to the bondage and helplessness of the
apostate will (see Edwards, Will
in Works 2.101;
Endless Punishment
in Works
1.615–16). (See supplement 4.5.12.)
Pascal (Provincial Letters
2) illustrates this equivocation respecting “natural ability” (a distinction
employed by the Jesuits) in the following manner:
A man setting out on a journey is
encountered by robbers who wound him and leave him half dead. He sends for
aid from three neighboring surgeons. The first on examining his wounds
pronounces them mortal and tells him that God alone can restore him. The
second tells him that he has strength enough to carry him back to his
dwelling and that he will recover by the force of his system. The patient,
perplexed between the two, calls upon the third surgeon. This latter after
examination sides with the second surgeon and ridicules the opinion of the
first. The patient naturally supposes that the third surgeon agrees with the
second; and in fact receives in reply to his inquiries an assurance that he
has strength sufficient to prosecute his journey. The poor man, however,
conscious of his weakness, asks on what his conclusions are founded?
“Because,” said he, “you still have your legs, and the legs are the natural
organs for walking.” “But,” says the sick man, “have I strength to make use
of them; for they seem to me useless, in my state of weakness?” “Certainly
not,” replied the doctor; “and in reality you never will walk, unless God
shall send you supernatural aid to sustain and lead you.” “What!” cries the
patient, “have I not then in myself sufficient strength for walking?” “Very
far from it,” replied the surgeon. “Your opinion then is entirely opposed to
the second surgeon respecting my state?” “I confess it is,” he replied.
When “ability” is attributed to the human will, it is
naturally understood to mean the power to use and control the energetic
force of the faculty. Inclining to an ultimate end is the energy of the
will, and its most important activity. But if the sinful will is unable to
incline to God as the supreme end and good, it is improper to say that it
has a “natural ability” to do this because “ability” properly denotes
efficient power. The man in Pascal’s illustration who “still had his legs”
but had lost the power to use them could not properly be said to be able to
walk; and the man who “still has a will” but is unable to incline it to good
cannot properly be said to be able to obey. If when Edwards replied to his
opponent that “it is easy for a man to do the thing if he will,” he had
added that “it is easy for a man to will,” this would have been an
unequivocal assertion of ability. But Edwards not only denied that it is
easy for the sinner to will rightly, but asserted that it is impossible.
Ability must not be confounded with capability or power
with capacity. The sinner is capable of loving God supremely, but not able
to love him supremely; and probably this is all that is intended by many who
assert “natural ability.” Capacity implies possibility only, as when it is
said that man has the capacity for all the diseases to which flesh is heir.
But something more than capacity is requisite to warrant the assertion that
he is able to have them all. The ability to have all the diseases of the
human body would require the germ of them all. A man is not able to have
smallpox unless he has the contagion or been inoculated with it. But he is
capable of having smallpox without either contagion or inoculation. Adam
before the fall had the capacity to sin rather than the ability, the
possibility not the propensity. It is, therefore, more strictly proper to
say that it was possible for holy Adam to sin than to say that he had the
ability to sin. Accurately speaking, the ability to sin is inward sin
itself; and the ability to be holy is inward holiness itself. Hence
Augustine attributed to the unfallen Adam the
posibilitas peccandi97
and denied the potestas.98
In moral things, the ability implies the inclination and tendency. (See
supplement 4.5.13.)
Consequently, in ethics and religion, moral ability is
the only kind of power that is properly designated by the term
ability. In reference to
obedience and disobedience, holiness and sin, if there is not moral or
voluntary ability, there is no ability at all. And moral or voluntary
ability cannot be separated from inclination. No inclination, no ability. If
inclination, then ability. A man who is able to love God supremely is
inclined to love him. A man who is able to steal is inclined in his heart to
theft. In common parlance we say of a bad man: “He can do anything; he can
lie, he can steal.” This is the same as saying: “He is a thief, he is a
liar.” If we say that he is capable of lying, we do not say so much as when
we say he is able to lie.
“Natural ability” is, properly, only physical force. It
is the power of matter, not of mind. A man has the natural ability to lift
one hundred pounds. This is the power of matter, of his body. But we can
think of this kind of power as not exerted and as never exerted. The man may
have this species of ability and yet never lift a hundred pounds weight. In
the case of natural ability, we can abstract and separate the faculty from
its exercise and use. The faculty, in the instance of natural ability, is
the body of the man. We say that there is in this body the ability or power
to lift one hundred pounds weight. Whether this ability shall be exerted
depends not upon the body but upon the man’s will. But the man’s body and
the man’s will are distinct and separate substances and faculties. We can
therefore conceive of this natural or physical ability as inactive and doing
nothing until a volition employs it. We can conceive of natural power or
ability without any effect produced by it.
But in the instance of moral or voluntary power or
ability, we cannot thus abstract and separate the faculty from its use and
exercise and conceive of it as inert and producing no effect. The faculty in
this case is not the body, but the will itself. But the will cannot be
inactive and inert, as matter may be. It is inclined and active by its very
idea and definition. There is no conceivable separation, therefore, in this
instance between the faculty and its use and exercise, as there is in the
instance of the body and the volition that uses the body. Moral or voluntary
power is necessarily in exercise. A man may be naturally able to lift a
hundred pounds and yet not do it. But a man may not be morally able to love
God and yet not do it. The ability to an act in this latter case is one with
the act itself. Ability to incline is inclination itself. Ability to love is
love itself. Ability to hate is hatred itself.
In the instance of natural ability or physical power, the
ability is in one subject, and the use or exercise of it in another subject.
The natural force is in the bodily limbs, and the moral force that exerts
and uses it is in the will. But in the instance of moral ability or
voluntary power, there is only one subject, namely, the human will. The will
is the faculty, and the inclining of the will is the use and exercise of the
faculty. We cannot, therefore, conceive of the will as being inert and
inactive until another agent makes it active. Neither can we conceive of the
will as inactive until some act of its own makes it active. Edwards was
unquestionably correct in denying that the will can be started out of
indifference and inaction by its own antecedent volition. But we can
conceive of this in the instance of natural or physical power. We can
conceive of the body as inert and inactive until another agent than itself,
namely, the soul, makes it active by an antecedent volition. In the instance
of moral ability, the faculty of will and its use and exercise are
inseparable. If there be a will, it is necessarily in action; it is
necessarily inclined. We cannot say that it is able to incline, not yet
having inclined. It can pass from one inclination to another; but it cannot
exist an instant with no inclination at all. Consequently, if the will is
able to do a thing, it is doing it. But in the instance of natural ability,
the faculty and its exercise are separable. If there be a body, it is not
necessarily exerting its physical force. In this case, we can say that it is
able to do a thing and yet is not doing it.
It is ambiguous and misleading, therefore, to apply the
term natural ability
to a moral faculty like the will, as it confessedly would be to apply the
term moral ability
to a physical faculty like the human body. No one would attribute to the
human body a moral ability to swim; and no one should attribute to the human
will a natural ability to love or obey, because a natural ability may not be
in use and exercise. Andrew Fuller (Memoir,
15 [ed. Bohn]) quotes from Gill the distinction between a thing “being in
the power of our hand and in the power of our heart.” Natural ability is the
power of the hand; moral ability is the power of the heart. Referring to
Descartes’s distinction between the act of the will that terminates on the
will itself and the act of the will that terminates on the body, natural
ability would designate the latter and moral ability the former. Obedience
of the divine command “you shall love the Lord your God with all your heart”
is the product of moral, not of natural ability.
Edwards asserts “moral inability” and defines it to be
either the absence of right inclination or the presence of wrong
inclination:
A man may be said to be morally
unable to do a thing when he is under the influence or prevalence of a
contrary inclination or has a want of inclination. Moral inability consists
either in want of inclination or the strength of a contrary inclination. It
may be said, in one word, that moral inability consists in the opposition or
want of inclination. A man is truly morally unable
to choose99
contrary to a present inclination. A child of great love to his parents may
be unable to be willing to kill his father. (Will
in Works
2.15–16, 101–2)
This is the inability meant in the Westminster statement
that “man is utterly indisposed and disabled to all that is spiritually
good.” And this species of inability is real inability. It is not a figure
of speech, but an impotence as helpless and insuperable by the subject of
it, as natural inability. The substantive
inability has its full and strict meaning. The
adjective moral
does not convert the notion of impotence into that of power, but only
denotes the species of impotence. It is true that the “cannot” is a “will
not,” but it is equally true that the “will not” is a “cannot.” The sinful
will is literally unable to incline to good apart from grace.
Notwithstanding his assertion that moral inability is
improperly called inability, Edwards strenuously maintains that moral
inability is utter and helpless impotence. This is the self-contradiction in
his theory: “By reason of the total depravity and corruption of man’s
nature, he is utterly unable, without divine grace, savingly to love God,
believe in Christ, or do anything truly good” (Works
2.177). He also asserts the same thing in his doctrine of moral necessity:
“Moral necessity may be as absolute as natural necessity—that is, the
[moral] effect may be as perfectly connected with its moral cause, as a
natural necessary effect is with its natural cause. When I use this
distinction of moral and natural necessity, I would not be understood to
suppose, that if anything comes to pass by the former kind of necessity, the
nature of things is not concerned in it, as well as in the latter” (Will
1.4). Edwards means that the connection between the volition and the
inclination is as necessary or as much founded in the nature of things as
that between a physical effect and its physical cause. Given a wrong
inclination, wrong volitions must follow. If the disposition of the will be
vicious, the volitions of the will cannot be virtuous, any more than the
fruit can be grapes if the root is that of the thistle.
Now in thus asserting that moral necessity is properly
called necessity, Edwards is inconsistent in denying that moral inability is
properly called inability. For the sinner’s moral necessity of sinning is
the very same thing as his moral inability to obedience. If, therefore,
Edwards was willing to say that moral necessity is as real and absolute as
natural necessity, he should have been willing to say that moral inability
is as real and absolute as natural inability. If the term
necessity is properly
applicable to moral necessity, the term
inability is properly applicable to moral
inability. Necessity is a stronger term than inability, and it is singular
that while Edwards was not afraid to employ the former in connection with
voluntary action, he should have shrunk from the latter. The same general
argument that proves that moral necessity, taken in its full unambiguous
sense, is consistent with the freedom of the will would prove that moral
inability, taken in its full unambiguous sense, is likewise consistent with
it. The nature of Edwards’s answer to the Arminian objection that if there
is not ability in the sinful will there is no obligation resting upon it
explains the inconsistency. Instead of denying, with the Calvinistic creeds
generally, the Arminian premise that all inability however brought about is
inconsistent with obligation, he concedes it and endeavors to show that
there is ability. (See supplement 4.5.14.)
Moral necessity is asserted by Augustine and Calvin. It
means that necessity in the moral character of the volitions which arises
from a habitus of
the will, from a bias or disposition of the voluntary faculty. A holy will
has a holy habitus
and is thereby under a moral necessity of exerting holy volitions: “A good
tree cannot bring forth evil fruit.” Hence St. Paul denominates the
spiritual man “a servant (slave) of righteousness” (Rom. 6:18). St. John
asserts that “whosoever is born of God cannot sin” (1 John 3:9). A sinful
will has a sinful habitus
and is thereby under a moral necessity of exerting sinful volitions: “You
were servants (slaves) of sin” (Rom. 6:17); “whosoever commits sin is the
servant (slave) of sin” (John 8:34). A holy will is unable to disobey; and a
sinful will is unable to obey.
Fatalism has been charged upon this doctrine of moral
necessity, but erroneously. Were the sinful disposition of the will itself
necessitated, the charge would be well founded. Were the sinful inclination
the necessary effect of some antecedent act or arrangement of God, as the
volition is the necessary effect of the antecedent inclination, man would
not be responsible for sin. But it is not. The sinful inclination is the
abiding self-determination of the human will. Its origin is due to an act of
freedom in Adam; and its continuance is due to the unceasing
self-determination of every individual of the posterity. Each individual man
prolongs and perpetuates in himself the evil inclination of will that was
started in Adam. Sinful inclination began freely in the one sin of the whole
race and is continued freely in the millions of individual inclinations in
the millions of individuals of the race. Had sinful inclination been created
and infused by God, then as the sinful volitions are referred to the
inclination as their cause, the sinful inclination must have been referred
to God as its cause. The doctrine of moral necessity means only that the
volitions must necessarily be like the inclination. It does not mean that
the inclination itself is originated and necessitated by God.
A habitus
or disposition in the will intensifies and confirms free voluntary action,
instead of weakening or destroying it. For a
habitus is a vehement and total
self-determination. But that which promotes determination by the self of
course precludes compulsion by that which is not self. Hence the bondage of
the will to sinful inclination does not destroy either the voluntariness or
the responsibility of the will. The enslaved will is still a
self-determining faculty; the bondage of sin is a responsible and guilty
bondage, because proceeding from the ego, not from God. Calvin (2.2.5)
maintains this in the following manner:
Bernard subscribing to what is
said by Augustine, thus expresses himself: “Among all the animals, man alone
is free; and yet by the intervention of sin, he also suffers a species of
violence; but from the will, not from nature, so that he is not thereby
deprived of his innate liberty.” For what is voluntary is also free. And a
little after, Bernard says, “The will being, by I know not what corrupt and
surprising means, changed for the worse is itself the author of the
necessity to which it is subject; so that neither necessity, being
voluntary, can excuse the will, nor the will, being fascinated (illecta),
can exclude necessity.” For this necessity is in some measure voluntary.
Afterward he says that we are oppressed with a yoke, but no other than that
of a voluntary servitude; that therefore our servitude renders us miserable
and our will renders us inexcusable; because the will, when it was free,
made itself the slave of sin. At length he concludes, “Thus the
soul, in a certain strange and
evil manner, under this kind of voluntary and free yet pernicious necessity,
is both enslaved and free; enslaved by necessity, free by its will
[inclination]; and, what is more wonderful and more miserable, it is guilty
because free; and enslaved wherein it is guilty; and so therein enslaved
wherein it is free.” From these passages, the reader clearly perceives that
I am teaching no novel doctrine, but what was long ago advanced by
Augustine, with the universal consent of pious men and which for nearly a
thousand years after was confined to the cloisters of monks. But Lombard,
for want of knowing how to distinguish necessity from coercion, gave rise to
a pernicious error.
The moral inability of the sinner, then, is the inability
to incline rightly from a wrong state of the will, to convert sinful into
holy inclination. He is already sinfully inclined. This sinful inclination
is moral spontaneity or self-determination to an ultimate end. From the
standpoint and starting point of evil, it is impossible to incline or
self-determine to God. The sinner may exert volitions and make resolutions
in hope of producing another inclination, but they are failures. A holy
inclination cannot be originated by this method. This is moral inability.
What are the grounds of it?
The finiteness and limitation of the created will is a
ground. Holy inclination, we have seen (see pp. 496–97), must be given in
creation. Neither man’s nor angel’s will can be first created without
character and from this involuntary state originate holy inclination. The
beginning, therefore, of holiness must always proceed from God. It can no
more be originated by the creature than the spiritual substance itself of
the will can be. But if this is true of man as finite and of angel as
finite, it is still more so of man as sinful. When he is already preoccupied
by a sinful inclination, it would be still more impossible for him to
originate a holy inclination.
The mutability of the finite will is the possibility of
falling from holiness to sin, not the possibility of rising from sin to
holiness. If the will of man or angel becomes evil, it is evil immutably,
apart from regenerating grace. When holy, it can change its inclination by
its own energy without the coagency of God. But when sinful, it cannot do
this. The finite will is mutably holy, but immutably sinful, so far as its
own force is concerned.
The derivative nature of finite holiness is a second
ground of moral inability. Holiness is a concreated quality of man like
intelligence or rationality. But concreated qualities are incapable of
self-origination. We perceive immediately that man cannot be the author of
his own intellectuality. He cannot be created without the ideas of space and
time, of God and self, in brief, without innate ideas, and then originate
them by his own power. He cannot come from the creative hand an idiot
without reason and then rationalize himself. Rationality and intelligence
are derived characteristics, and therefore they are beyond man’s power to
produce. In like manner, holiness is a derived characteristic and therefore
cannot be man’s product. The creature cannot do the Creator’s work. It would
be absurd to say that matter can be created lacking one of the necessary
properties of matter, say, impenetrability, and can then originate for
itself the lacking property. But it would be a like absurdity to affirm that
man or angel can be created lacking one of the necessary characteristics of
moral perfection, namely, holiness, and can then originate it.
This reasoning does not hold good in regard to sin. Man
can be created without sin and afterward originate it himself for three
reasons:
1. Because sin is not a
derivative quality. Sin starts in the finite will, not in the infinite. If
it were derived from God, it would not be damnable and therefore not sin.
2. Because sin is not an
element in moral perfection. Everything that comes from the Creator’s hand
must be perfect after its kind. A created moral being must have created
moral
perfection. This implies holiness and excludes sin.
3. Because sin is not
a primary and normal characteristic of human nature. It does not enter
into the idea and ideal of man. Sin, unlike holiness, does not belong to
man as man. The human will can originate sin because it is a secondary
and abnormal quality. God is the author of the normal, but the creature
is the originator of the abnormal. All that belongs to man as ideal and
perfect must come from God; but all that belongs to man as fallen and
imperfect must come from man himself. Hence man can originate sin but
not holiness.
The adorableness of a self-originated holiness is a
third proof of moral inability. If man or angel were the sole and
ultimate author of holiness in himself, his holiness would be underived
and self-subsistent, and he would deserve the glory due to such
holiness. Strictly self-originated holiness is worthy of worship. But
the testimony of the Christian experience is against this: “By the grace
of God I am what I am” (1 Cor. 15:10). The testimony of the angelic
consciousness is also against this. The seraphim cried, “Holy, holy,
holy is the Lord of Hosts” (Isa. 6:3). The trisagion attributes absolute
and original holiness only to God. The testimony of Christ is against
this: “None is good but one” (Luke 18:19). If man or angel should begin
a holy inclination, his merit before God and law would be absolute and
not relative. This contradicts 17:10: “When you shall have done all
those things that are commanded you, say, We are unprofitable servants.”
God in this case would be under an original and primary obligation to
the creature.
The reflex action of sin upon the will itself is a
fourth ground of moral inability. Self-determination to evil destroys
self-determination to good. The voluntary faculty, like every other
faculty of the soul, cannot escape the consequences of its own action.
Self-determination to sin reacts upon the will and renders it unable to
holiness. The slavery of the will is an effect of the will upon its
self. Whosoever commits sin in and by this very voluntary act becomes
the slave of sin (John 8:24). Says Augustine (Confessions
8.5):
My will the enemy held and
thence had made a chain for me and bound me. For of a perverse will
comes lust; and a lust yielded to becomes custom; and custom not
resisted becomes necessity. By which links, as it were, joined together
as in a chain, a hard bondage held me enthralled. And that new will, to
serve you freely and to enjoy you, O God, which had begun to be in me,
was not able to overcome my former long-established willfulness. In
these spiritual things, ability is one with will, and to will is to do;
and yet the thing is not done. Whence is this strange anomaly (monstrum)?
The mind commands the body, and it obeys instantly; the mind commands
itself and is resisted. The mind commands the hand to be moved, and such
readiness is there
that command is scarce distinct from obedience. The mind commands the
mind, its own self, to will; and yet it does not will. It commands
itself, I say, to will and would not command unless it willed; and yet
what it commands is not done. But it will not entirely; therefore does
it not command entirely. For it commands only so far forth as it wills.
The will commands that there be a will [inclination]; not another’s
will, but its own will. But it does not command entirely; therefore,
what it commands does not take place.
Says Samuel Hopkins (Works
1.233–35):
It is certain that every
degree of inclination contrary to duty, which is and must be sinful,
implies and involves an equal degree of difficulty and inability to
obey. For indeed, such inclination of the heart to disobey and the
difficulty or inability to obey are precisely one and the same. The kind
of difficulty or inability, therefore, always is great according to the
strength and fixedness of the inclination to disobey; and it becomes
total and absolute [inability], when the heart is totally corrupt and
wholly opposed to obedience. Nothing but the opposition of the heart or
will of man to coming to Christ is or can be in the way of his coming.
So long as this continues and his heart is wholly opposed to Christ, he
cannot come to him; it is impossible and will continue so, until his
unwillingness, his opposition to coming to Christ, be removed by a
change and renovation of his heart, by divine grace, and he be willing
in the day of God’s power.
The excess of will to sin is the same as defect of
will to holiness. The degree of intensity with which any being inclines
to evil is the measure of the amount of power to good which he has
thereby lost. If the intensity be total, the loss is entire. Sin is the
suicidal action of the human will. To do wrong destroys the power to do
right. This is illustrated in the effect of a vicious habit in
diminishing a man’s ability to resist temptation. But habit is the
continual repetition of wrong self-decisions, every one of which reacts
upon the will as a faculty and renders it less strong and energetic to
good. No man can do a wrong act and be as sound in his will and as
spiritually strong after it as he was before it.
Again, the totality of the depravity of the will
destroys moral ability or ability to good. The whole and not a mere part
of the will is determined. Consequently, when a self-determination to a
final end has occurred, there is no remainder of uncommitted power in
reserve, as it were, behind the existing determination, by which the
direction of the will may be reversed. This total and intense
determination to evil is inability to good.
The debilitating effect of self-determination upon
the will itself is too often overlooked. When cause and effect are in
different subjects, the impotence of the cause itself after its own
action is always taken into account; but when, as in the case of a
sinful inclination, cause and effect are in one and the same subject,
namely, the human will, the impotence of the cause itself after its own
action is not always noticed or is practically denied. If, for
illustration, one man kill another man, all know that the murderer
cannot restore the murdered man to life. The cause cannot undo its
effect when they are in different subjects. But the same is true when a
man kills himself. Here the cause and the effect are in one and the same
subject. Now this is true also of the human will in reference to the sin
of which it is the cause. Sin is the effect of free will as the cause;
and because the will originates sin, it is assumed that the will can
nullify sin, can destroy what it originated. But the effect in this
instance is as much beyond the power of the cause, when once the cause
has acted, as in any other instance. A man certainly cannot undo the
guilt of his sin, and neither can he undo the inclination to sin.
Says the younger Edwards (Against
Chauncy, 13):
A certainty that has been
established by the will of man with respect to the will itself as
effectually binds that will and is equally inconsistent with its liberty
[to the contrary] as if that certainty were established by any other
cause. Suppose the will of any man shall establish in itself a certain
and unfailing bias to any particular action or series of actions; it
cannot be pretended that this fixed bias already established is any more
consistent with liberty [to the contrary] and moral agency in the man in
whom the bias exists than if it had been established by any other cause.
If a man were to cut off his own leg, though he might be more blamable
for the act of cutting it off than he would be for the same act
performed by another, yet the effect, as to his subsequent ability to
walk, would be the very same.100
But if man, either unfallen or fallen, cannot begin a
holy inclination, how is it that he can begin an evil one? If he cannot
be the ultimate and meritorious author of holiness, how can he be the
ultimate and ill-deserving author of sin? Why may there be a power to
the contrary downward from a holy position, but no power to the contrary
upward from a sinful position? Why can man ruin, but not save himself?
Because of the difference between self-determination
to holiness and self-determination to sin. The first is relative, the
last is absolute self-determination. Relative self-determination is
self-determination with a divine element in it; absolute
self-determination is self-determination without a divine element in it.
The former is self-determination under divine impulse and actuation; the
latter is solitary self-determination without divine impulse and
actuation. Holiness in man is divine-human: the product of God working
in the creature to will and to do. Sin in man is human simply and only:
the product of the finite will uninfluenced and unimpelled. Augustine,
as quoted by Calvin (2.2.4), defines liberum
arbitrium101
as “a power of reason and will by which good is chosen when grace
assists and evil is chosen when grace is wanting.” Aquinas, as quoted by
Neander (History
4.481), says that holy “free will is not an independent causality. God
works in the finite will in the way that the nature of it requires that
he should; although, therefore, he changes the inclination of man to
another direction, nevertheless, by his almighty power he causes that
man should freely will the change which he experiences; and thus all
constraint is removed. For to suppose otherwise, that the man willed not
the change which is a change in his will, would be a contradiction.”
The difference between the two kinds of
self-determination is marked in language. The noun
sin has an active verb
to correspond with it; the noun holiness
has none. Sin is “sinning” or “to sin”; but holiness is not “holying” or
“to holy.” Only the passive is employed in the latter case: “to be holy”
or “to become holy.” But both the active and passive are employed in the
former. Man is willing in holiness; and he is willing in sin. But the
willingness in the first case is complex. God works in man to will
(Phil. 2:13). The willingness in the second case is simple. Man works
alone. In the first instance, the human will harmonizes with the divine;
in the second, it antagonizes. In the first instance, the voluntariness
is recipient: “What have you that you did not receive?” (1 Cor. 4:7);
“you have received the spirit of adoption” (Rom. 8:15). In the second
instance, the voluntariness is originant.
The question arises whether the divine element in
holy self-determination does not, in reality, destroy the
self-determination. If God creates voluntary spontaneity when he creates
a holy man or recreates it when he regenerates him, is it in either case
real and genuine spontaneity? Must not the human will act alone and
independently in order to act voluntarily; and is not the sinful will
the only free will, because it is not influenced by God in its action?
The answer is in the negative: (a) Because revelation teaches this
agency of God in and on the finite will and at the same time teaches
that the resulting holiness is true freedom: “If the Son shall make you
free, you shall be free indeed” (John 8:36); (b) because consciousness
reports that the holy inclination is spontaneous and unforced; and (c)
because if the human will in order to act freely must not experience any
influence or impulse from God, then all divine influence is
necessitating. And the same is true of human influence.
Man can originate sin because sin is imperfection.
The infinite will cannot originate imperfection: “God’s work is perfect”
(Deut. 32:4; 2 Sam. 22:31; Ps. 18:30). This is one of the differentia
between the Creator and the creature. Infinite, uncreated, and eternal
will cannot cause any defective thing; but finite, created, and temporal
will can. Sin is defective because it has less of being in it than
holiness has. There was once a time when it was not; but holiness always
was. Sin has no positive and eternal right to be; holiness has such a
right. Sin is not necessary in the universe of God; had God so decreed,
the created will would never have originated it. But holiness is
necessary. Because of these facts, the Schoolmen defined sin as a
negation, a defect rather than an effect. To originate it is not the
sign of power but of weakness. Hence the possibility of sinning is not
an excellence but a deficiency. It is one of the limitations of the
finite. That it does not belong to God does not prove that God is not
free or that he has less power than a man or angel has, any more than
the impossibility of having a physical disease or of dying proves that
God is inferior to man. The possibility of doing an evil thing is
weakness rather than power. (See supplement 4.5.15.)
Moral Inability and Moral
Obligation
The foundation of man’s obligation to perfectly obey
the divine law was the holiness and plenary power to good with which he
was endowed by his Creator. Because God made man in his own image, he
was obliged to sinless obedience. Moral obligation rested upon the union
and combination of the so-called natural ability with the moral. It did
not rest upon the first alone. Not a will without any inclination, but a
will with a holy inclination, was the basis of the requirement of
sinless obedience. The possession of a will undetermined would not
constitute man a moral agent. God did not make man without moral
character and then require perfect obedience from him. When man was
created and placed under law, he was endowed not only with the faculties
of a man, but with those faculties in a normal condition. The
understanding was spiritually enlightened, and the will was rightly
inclined. He had both “natural” and “moral” ability. He had real and
plenary power to obey the law of God. In the beginning of man’s moral
existence, ability must equal obligation. And the ability did equal it.
Kant’s dictum—“I ought, therefore I can”—was true of holy Adam and his
posterity in him. If at the instant man came from the hand of God he had
been unable to obey, he would not have been obligated to obey:
The law was not above man’s
strength when he was possessed of original righteousness, though it be
above man’s strength since he was stripped of original righteousness.
The command was dated before man had contracted his impotency, when he
had a power to keep it, as well as to break it. Had it been enjoined to
man only after the fall, and not before, he might have had a better
pretense to excuse himself, because of the impossibility of it; yet he
would not have had sufficient excuse, since the impossibility did not
result from the nature of the law, but from the corrupted nature of the
creature. It “was weak through the flesh” (Rom.
8:3), but it was
promulgated when man had a strength proportioned to the commands of it.
(Charnock, Holiness
of God)
Obligation being thus founded upon the Creator’s
gifts cannot be destroyed by any subsequent action of the creature. If
he destroys his ability, he does not destroy his obligation. If man by
his own voluntary action loses any or all of the talents entrusted to
him, he cannot assign this loss as a reason why any or all the talents,
together with usury, should not be demanded of him in the final
settlement (see Christ’s parable of the talents): “God’s commandments
are not the measure of our powers but the rules of our duty. They do not
teach what we are now able to do, but what we ought to do, and what we
were able to do at one time”102
(Turretin 10.4.23). Heidelberg Catechism 9 thus represents the subject:
“Does not God, then, wrong man by requiring of him in his law that which
he cannot perform? A. No; for God so made man that he could perform it;
but man through the instigation of the devil, by willful disobedience,
deprived himself and all his posterity of this power.”
It is objected that if man is unable to keep the law
he is not obligated to keep it. This depends upon the nature of the
inability and its cause.
If man were destitute of reason, conscience, will, or
any of the faculties of a moral being, he would not be obligated. If he
were internally wrought upon by an almighty being and prevented from
obeying, he would not be obligated. If he were prevented by any external
compulsion, he would not be obligated. If he had been created sinful, he
would not be obligated. If he had been created indifferent either to
holiness or sin, he would not have been obligated. None of these
conditions obtain in the case of man. He was created holy, with plenary
power to keep perfectly the moral law, and therefore was obligated to
keep it. At the point of creation, ability and obligation were equal.
But if after creation in holiness and plenary power,
any alteration be made in the original ratio between ability and
obligation by the creature’s voluntary agency, this cannot alter the
original obligation. If ability is weakened by an act of
self-determination, obligation is not weakened. If ability is totally
destroyed by self-determination, obligation is not destroyed. The latter
is the fact in the case. There is a total inability, but it is not an
original or created inability. It came to be by man’s act, not by God’s:
“Man’s inability to restore what he owes to God, an inability brought
upon himself, does not excuse man from paying the satisfaction due to
justice; for the result of sin cannot excuse the sin itself” (Anselm,
Why the God-Man?
1.24).
The principle that if a moral power once possessed is
lost by the voluntary action of the possessor he is not thereby released
from the original duty that rested upon it is acknowledged by writers
upon ethics. Aristotle (Ethics
3.5) remarks that it is just in legislators:
to punish people even for
ignorance itself, if they are the cause of their own ignorance; just as
the punishment is double for drunken people. For the cause is in
themselves; since it was in their own power not to get drunk, and
drunkenness is the cause of their ignorance. And they punish those who
are ignorant of anything in the laws which they ought to know and which
it is not difficult to know; and likewise in all other cases in which
they are ignorant through negligence, upon the ground that it was in
their own power to pay attention to it. But perhaps a person is unable
to give his attention? But he himself is the cause of this inability, by
living in a dissipated manner. Persons are themselves the causes of
their being unrighteous by performing bad actions and of being
intemperate by passing their time in drunken revels and such like. When
a man does those acts by which he becomes unjust, he becomes unjust
voluntarily [i.e., by the action of his own will]. Nevertheless, he will
not be able to leave off being unjust and to become just whenever he
pleases. For the sick man cannot become well whenever he pleases, even
though it so happen that he is voluntarily sick owing to an incontinent
life and from disobedience to physicians. At the time indeed, it was in
his own power not to be sick; but when he has once allowed himself to
become sick, it is no longer in his power not to be sick; just as it is
no longer in the power of a man who has thrown a stone to recover it.
And yet the throwing of it was in his own power, for the origin of the
action was in his own power. In like manner, in the beginning it was in
the power of the unjust and the intemperate man not to become unjust and
intemperate; and therefore they are so voluntarily. But when they have
become so, it is no longer in their power to avoid being unjust and
intemperate.… And not only are the faults of the soul voluntary, but in
some persons those of the body are so likewise, and with these we find
fault. For no one finds fault with those who are disfigured and ugly by
birth, but only with those who are so through neglect of gymnastic
exercise or through carelessness. The case is the same with bodily
weakness and mutilation. For no one would blame a man who is born blind
or who is blind from disease or a blow, but would rather pity him. But
everybody would blame the man who is blind from drunkenness or any
intemperance. For those faults of the body which are in our own power
originally and which result from our own action, we are blamable.
The assertion of Plato (Laws
5.731) that “the unjust man is not unjust of his own free will; because
no man of his own free will would choose to experience the greatest of
evils,” if it were true, would relieve the unjust man of obligation. The
ethics of Plato in such an assertion is defective. He, however,
contradicts himself, because elsewhere he teaches the guiltiness of the
unjust man. Even in this very connection (Laws
5.734), he reasons in a self-contradictory manner. The temperate life,
he says, is pleasant and the intemperate is painful, “and he who would
live pleasantly cannot possibly choose to live intemperately. If this be
true, the inference clearly is that no man is voluntarily intemperate,
but that the whole multitude of men lack temperance in their lives,
either from ignorance or from want of self-control or both.” But “want
of self-control” is voluntariness. The probability is that Plato in the
above extract employs “voluntary” in the sense of “volitionary.”
In secular commercial life, the loss of ability does
not release from obligation. A man is as much a debtor to his creditors
after his bankruptcy, as he was before. The loss of his property does
not free him from indebtedness. He cannot say to his creditor, “I owed
you yesterday, because I was able to pay you; but today I owe you
nothing, because I am a bankrupt.” It is a legal maxim that bankruptcy
does not invalidate contracts.
That obligation remains fixed and immutable under all
the modifications of ability introduced by the action of the human will
is proved by the case of the drunkard and the habit which he has formed.
The drunkard is certainly less able to obey the law of temperance than
the temperate man is. But this law has precisely the same claim upon him
that it has upon the temperate. The diminution of ability has not
diminished the obligation. If obligation must always keep pace with the
changes in the ability, then there are degrees of obligation. The
stronger the will is, the more it is obliged; the weaker it is, the less
is it bound by law. In this case, sin rewards the sinner by delivering
him from the claims of law. The most vicious man would be least under
obligation to duty.
It is objected that if the apostate will is unable to
perfectly obey the divine law it is not free. The reply to this
objection requires a definition of finite freedom, both negatively and
positively. Negatively, finite freedom is not …
1. Freedom of
omnipotence (Owen, Arminianism,
12): There are many things out of man’s power, but this does not prove
that he is necessitated within his own proper sphere of action.
2. Freedom of
independence: This species of freedom requires self-existence and
self-sustenation. It is beyond the reach of an influence from another
being. It is pure aseity (aseitas)
or self-sufficiency.
3. Freedom from the
internal consequences of voluntary action: The formation of a habit is
voluntary; but when the habit has been voluntarily formed, it cannot be
eradicated by a volition.
4. Freedom from the
external consequences of voluntary action: The objective fact caused by
the will cannot be destroyed by the will. The suicide cannot restore
himself to life; the homicide cannot reanimate his victim.
5. Freedom from action
itself: The will is not free not to act at all. The will must will
something, as the mind must think something. Inaction of the will is
impossible, like inaction of the understanding.
6. Freedom from the
regulation and restraint of law: Even in God, freedom is not unbridled
almightiness unregulated by other attributes. God can do all that he
wills to do, but there are some things which he cannot will because
certain of his attributes prevent: for example, logical contradictions
and sinful acts. Freedom in God is rational freedom. Kant denominates
the practical reason the will, because, ideally, the will is one with
reason. “Subjection (douleia)103
to righteousness” (Rom. 6:19) is “obedience from the heart” or
spontaneity (6:17) and also “glorious liberty” (8:21). The moral law is
“a law of liberty” (James 2:25). The believer is “free indeed” (John
8:34).
7. The possibility of
willing contrary to what is already being willed: The possibility of
willing the contrary is an accident, not the substance of freedom. It
may be associated, temporarily, with an existing self-determination for
the purpose of testing the strength of it, but not for the purpose of
making the self-determination any more self-determined than it is
already is in its own nature. Freedom is the present actual willingness
and not the power to will something else in addition to the present
actual willingness. Suppose, for illustration, that a man thinks of only
one single act, say, to walk to a certain tree before him. No other act
is in his mind. He walks spontaneously to this tree. Here, he does not
choose between two actions, but he self-determines to one action. He
walks to the tree and is free in so doing, not because he could have
walked away from the tree if the thought of so doing had occurred to
him, but because he actually walked to the tree
proprio motu104
and without compulsion.
8. Indifference or
freedom from a bias or inclination: A bias or inclination of the will is
the central and dominant self-determination of the will. The stronger
the bias, the more intense is the self-determination and hence the more
intense the freedom. The more the will is self-determined and inclined,
the farther off it is from indifference; and hence indifference is not
the characteristic of freedom.
9. Mere liberty of
performing an outward act: Edwards, in his polemics against the
Arminian, finds the substance of freedom in this.105
According to this, a man is free to worship God only when he is
permitted to act out his inclination and to worship externally; and if
he is not so permitted, he is not free to worship God. But the truth is
that if he has the inclination to worship he is a free worshiper,
whether he is allowed to put his inclination into volition and act or
not. He is the Lord’s freeman and a true worshiper, by virtue of his
spontaneous inclination itself. “Fool,” says the lady in Comus,
Fool do not boast:
You cannot touch the freedom
of my mind
With all thy charms, although
this corporal rind
You have immanacled, while
Heaven sees good.
The same truth is embodied in the fine lines of
Lovelace, written while confined in prison:
Stone walls do not a prison
make,
Nor iron bars a cage,
Minds innocent and quiet take
That for an hermitage.
If I have freedom in my love,
And in my soul am free,
Angels alone, that soar
above,
Enjoy such liberty.
—Percy,
Reliques
And on the other hand, if a man has an evil
inclination, say to earthly ambition and power, he is free in sin, that
is, self-determinedly sinful, whether he is permitted to carry it out in
volition and act or not. Shut him in prison, so that he can take no part
in earthly affairs, he is still Satan’s freeman by virtue of the
inclination of his will.
The reason of this is the fact that the subjective
energy of the human will is all that a man can call his own and be
responsible for. The realization of this personal inward energy in
outward act depends upon others and especially upon the providence of
God, but not upon the man himself. The circumstances of a man are no
part of his spontaneous self-determination, and he is not responsible
for them. He is not free in regard to them. As in the case supposed, a
man may have the inclination to worship God, but his surroundings
prevent. These surroundings are no part of his voluntary agency and
ought not to be taken into account in determining whether he is a free
agent. If the subjective personal energy of his own will, as seen in his
inclination, is truly free from compulsion and really spontaneous, he is
free, whether he can give it outward form in a particular act or not.
Says Calvin (2.4.8):
The ability of the human will
is not to be estimated from the event of things, as some ignorant men
are accustomed to do. For they imagine that they disprove the freedom of
the human will, because even the greatest monarchs have not all their
desires fulfilled. But the ability of which we are speaking is to be
considered as within man and not to be measured by external success. For
in the dispute concerning free will, the question is not whether a man
notwithstanding external impediments can perform and execute whatever he
may have determined in his mind, but whether in every case his
understanding exerts freedom of judgment (judicii
electionem) and
his will freedom of inclination (affectionem
voluntatis). If
men possess both of these, then Attilius Regulus when confined in the
small extent of a cask stuck round with nails will possess as much free
will as Augustus Caesar when governing a great part of the world with
his rod.
To the same effect, Edwards (Will
3.4) remarks that
if the will [i.e., the
inclination] fully complies, and the proposed effect does not prove,
according to the laws of nature, to be connected with his [executive]
volition, the man is perfectly excused; he has a natural inability to
the thing required. For the will [inclination] itself, as has been
observed, is all that can be directly and immediately required by
command; and other things only indirectly, as connected with the will.
If, therefore, there be a full compliance of will [inclination], the
person has done his duty, and if other things do not prove to be
connected with his [executive] volition that is not owing to him. (cf.
Reid, Intellectual
Powers 3.4.1)
Defined positively, finite freedom is …
1. Self-determination
in the sense of moral spontaneity—not self-determination and power to
the contrary, but self-determination alone, pure, and simple: The first
is true, the last is spurious self-determination and should be
denominated indetermination.
2. Freedom from
compulsion, either internal or external: “God has endued the will of man
with that natural liberty that it is not forced to good or evil”
(Westminster Confession 9.1).
3. Freedom from
physical necessity or the operation of the law of cause and effect: “God
has endued the will of man with that natural liberty that it is not by
any absolute necessity of nature determined to good or evil”
(Westminster Confession 9.1).
Physical necessity is seen in the sequences of
physical cause and effect. There is no freedom in such a series of
sequences because there is no true beginning and first start. The cause
is itself an effect of a foregoing cause, and this again is the effect
of another foregoing cause and so backward indefinitely:
causa causae causa causati.106
No responsible cause can be found in such a line of antecedents and
consequents, because as fast as the responsibility is found in a
particular cause, it is thrown back upon the cause of this cause. No
real and true author or beginner is found until the chain terminates in
God, who is not a part of the chain, but the Creator of it. All physical
and material events and phenomena must be referred to the Prime Mover.
There is no real author and no first cause within the chain of nature
itself. But in the sphere of mind, the case is different. The law of
cause and effect operating in matter has no operation in the human will.
This latter is the faculty of self-motion. Even when the Holy Spirit
works in it “to will and to do,” the motion is still
self-motion—spiritual not physical, voluntary not necessitated. In the
origin of sin, the will cannot refer its action back to a physical cause
and thus convert it into a mere effect and transfer its responsibility
to a foregoing cause of its agency. In respect to sin, it is itself a
true originating cause. It begins its own movement
ab intra,107
by an act of self-determination. There is a first inclining of the will
to the creature, and away from the Creator, which is not the effect of a
foregoing sin, but is the original nisus or start of self-will. And in
the origin of holiness, though the will must refer its action back to
God, yet not to him as a physical cause producing a physical effect.
Holy inclination is the activity of mind, not of matter. It is not
produced by the operation of the law of cause and effect, because the
divine Spirit works in the human will in accordance with the nature of
mind, not of matter.
If this be the true definition of freedom, it follows
that the apostate will is free in being inclined or self-determined and
that this inclination to evil constitutes an inability to good. The
sinner is at once voluntary in sin and impotent to holiness. He is
enslaved by himself to himself. He cannot love God supremely, because he
loves himself supremely. He cannot incline rightly, because he is
inclining wrongly. He is spontaneously and freely evil and therefore is
unable to be spontaneously and freely good. Self-determination is a
hazardous endowment. It may be an evil as well as a good. When free will
is wicked will, it is a curse. (See supplement 4.5.16.)
The answer to the question “can the sinner repent if
he will?” depends on the meaning of the term
Will: whether it
denotes inclination or volition. Can the sinner repent if he incline?
Yes. But the inclining is the repentance itself. So that this answer is
the truism “he can repent, if he repents.” Can the sinner repent, if he
choose or resolve? No. A volition of the will cannot produce an
inclination of the will. If a man inclines to repent, he repents in so
inclining; but if a man resolves to repent, he does not repent in so
resolving.
It is objected that if the sinner has no power to
obey the law he has nothing to do in the matter of religion. He may say
with Macbeth,
If chance will have me king,
why let chance crown me,
Without my stir.
This does not follow. Because the sinner cannot do
the primary work, it does not follow that he cannot do the secondary. He
has a very important work to do, namely, to discover his inability. A
wide field is open here for his agency. (a) He can compare his character
and conduct with the requirements of the law; this tends to convince him
of his inability to perfectly obey the law: “I have seen an end of all
perfection; your commandment is exceeding broad” (Ps. 119:96). (b) He
can try to obey the law; this will convince him of his inability still
more.
A sinner has power under common grace to find out
that he has no power to the “spiritually good.” This is a preparative
work to regeneration. The discovery that he is “without strength” leads
to the discovery that “Christ died for the ungodly” (Rom. 5:6). When he
is weak then he is strong. God has appointed certain means to be
employed by common grace prior to his exercise of regenerating grace,
not meritoriously, but as congruous or adapted to the end. The sinner is
to use them. Says Howe (Decrees
3.7):
Where there is not as yet the
light of a saint, there is that of a man, and that is to be improved and
made use of in order to our higher light; and if there be that
self-reflection to which God has given to every man a natural ability,
much more may be known than usually is. It belongs to the nature of man
to turn his eyes inward. Men can reflect and consider this with
themselves: Have I not an aversion toward God? Have not worldly
concernments and affairs, by the natural inclination of my own mind, a
greater room and place there than heaven and the things of heaven? Are
not other thoughts more grateful? And have they not a more pleasant
relish with me than thoughts of God? Men, I say, are capable of using
such reflections as these. And therefore of considering: This can never
be well with me. If there remain with me a habitual aversion to God, who
must be my best and eternal good, I cannot but be eternally miserable.
If I cannot think of and converse with him with inclination and
pleasure, I am lost. If my blessedness lie above, in another world, and
my mind is carried continually downward toward this world, I must have a
heart attempered to heaven, or I can never come there. Well, then, let
me try if I can change the habit of my own mind, make the attempt, make
the trial. The more you attempt and try, the more you will find that of
yourselves you cannot; you can do nothing of yourselves, you do but lift
a heavy log, you attempt to move a mountain upward, when you would lift
at your own terrene hearts. Then is this consideration obvious: I must
have help from heaven, or I shall never come there. Therefore fall
a-seeking, fall a-supplicating, as one that apprehends himself in danger
to perish and be lost, if he have not another heart, a believing heart,
a holy heart, a heavenly heart.108
It is objected that if the sinner’s ability to keep
the moral law depends upon the sovereign grace of God he must wait God’s
time. The reply is that God’s time is now and therefore excludes waiting
for it: “God says, I have heard you in a time accepted, and in the day
of salvation have I succored you: behold now is the day of salvation” (2
Cor. 6:2); “God limits (horizei)109
a certain day: saying, Today if you will hear his voice harden not your
hearts” (Heb. 4:7). God offers the Holy Spirit as a regenerating Spirit
this very instant, but confines the offer to this very instant. Nowhere
in revelation does God offer to pardon sin or regenerate the soul at a
future time. This work is always described as to be done in the sinner’s
heart, now, this very moment. No future redemption is promised.
The sinner excuses himself from faith and repentance
by saying, “I cannot believe. I am unable to repent.” He is to be made
to feel the truth of his statement, not to be told that his statement is
untrue. He needs to become conscious of that inability which in words he
asserts, but not in sincerity. The difficulty in the instance in which
this objection of inability is urged is that the sinner does not really
believe what he says. He does not realize his inability; but he
perceives that to urge it is a good verbal objection, an
argumentum ad hominem110
for the preacher. In this case, the work of the preacher is to make the
objector eat his own words and seriously feel the truth of his
assertion. And in doing this, he will bring out the important fact that
the sinner’s inability is guilty because self-originated, that the
sinner is the sole author of the inability.
It is objected that the doctrine of inability is
incompatible with commands and exhortations to believe, repent, and obey
the law of God. It is said that we would not command a dead man to rise
from the grave or a man without legs to walk. To this it is to be
replied that we would so command if God bade us to utter this
commandment in a given instance and promised to accompany the word from
our lips with his own omnipotent and creative power. Christ’s command to
preach the gospel to men “dead in trespasses and sins” and who “cannot
come unto the Son except the Father draw them” (John 6:44) is coupled
with the promise to accompany the truth with the Holy Spirit.
The doctrine of the sinner’s ability is exposed to
great objections:
1. It contradicts
consciousness. The process of “conviction” is a growing sense of
inability to everything spiritually good in heart and conduct. Sinful
man cannot be made conscious of ability. This form of consciousness has
never been in the human soul.
2. The tenet
undermines the doctrine of atonement. It is conceded that the sinner has
no ability to make atonement for his guilt; it would follow from this
theory of ability that he is not obligated to make one, in other words,
that punitive justice has no claims upon him.
3. The tenet conflicts
with the doctrine of endless punishment. If the power to the contrary
belongs inalienably to the apostate will, self-restoration in the future
world is possible, and endless punishment is not certain. The
Alexandrine theologians Clement and Origen founded their denial of
endless punishment upon this view of the will. If the sinner is able at
all times to believe and repent, he may do so at any time, and under the
impressions of the other world it is probable that he will. Clement and
Origen founded the final recovery of Satan and his angels, together with
fallen man, in the future world upon the abiding existence of free will
to good. It is no reply to this objection to say that the lost man can,
but certainly never will repent. If latent power be given in the
premise, the natural inference is that it will be used, not that it will
not be. Suppose that previous to the fall it had been said, “Adam has
the power to sin, but he certainly never will sin.” Suppose that it were
said, “Gunpowder has the inherent power of self-explosion, but it
certainly never will explode.” To say that it was certain that Adam
would use his power to sin because it was decreed that he would use it
is not to the point; because this is inferring the certainty as relative
to the divine decree, not as relative to the power of the human will,
which is the matter in dispute.
4. The tenet of
ability encourages the sinner to procrastination and neglect of the
gospel offer. If he believes that from the very nature of free will he
has the power to believe and repent at any moment, he will defer faith
and repentance. A sense of danger excites; a sense of security puts to
sleep. A company of gamblers in the sixth story are told that the
building is on fire. One of them answers, “We have the key to the fire
escape,” and all continue the game. Suddenly one exclaims, “The key is
lost”; all immediately spring to their feet and endeavor to escape.
While there was the belief of security, there was apathy; the instant
there was a knowledge of insecurity, there was action.
5. If the law can be
perfectly obeyed by “natural ability” or by will without right
inclination, then “moral ability” is superfluous. But if the law cannot
be obeyed except by the union of natural and moral ability or by will
with right inclination, then either alone is insufficient.
The following propositions comprise the substance of
the Augustino-Calvinistic doctrine of inability. (1) There is a free
self-determination or inclining to evil in the sinner’s will. (2) There
is an inability of the sinner to self-determine or incline to good that
results from his self-determining or inclining to evil. This inability
is culpable because it is the product of the sinner’s agency. (3) The
Holy Spirit reoriginates self-determination or inclination to good in
the sinner’s will. (4) The sinner’s will is wholly, not partially,
dependent upon the divine Spirit for a holy self-determination or
inclination. (5) God has elected an immense “multitude whom no man can
number” to be the subjects of his regenerating power.
Actual transgressions are the particular sins that
proceed from original sin. They are the individual’s sins of act in
distinction from his inherited nature and inclination. Original sin is
one; actual sin is manifold. “Actual” in this connection is not the
contrary of “imaginary.” Actual transgressions are accompanied with more
or less of self-consciousness.
Actual transgressions are (a) interior, namely, a
particular conscious doubt in the mind or a particular conscious lust in
the heart. These are single manifestations of the general inclination.
The worship of the creature or idolatry (Rom. 1:25) is the generic
corruption, and an internal actual transgression is the outworking of
this in a particular ambitious purpose or a proud aspiration or a
malignant emotion, etc. And actual transgressions are (b) exterior,
namely, theft, lie, homicide, suicide, etc.
The depravity or corruption of nature is total: Man
is “wholly inclined to evil, and that continually” (Westminster Larger
Catechism 25); “God saw that every imagination of the thoughts of man
was only evil continually” (Gen. 6:5). There can be but a single
dominant inclination in the will at one and the same time, though with
it there may be remnants of a previously dominant inclination. Adam
began a new sinful inclination. This expelled the prior holy
inclination. He was therefore totally depraved, because there were no
remainders of original righteousness left after apostasy, as there are
remainders of original sin left after regeneration. This is proved by
the fact that there is no struggle between sin and holiness in the
natural man like that in the spiritual man. In the regenerate, “the
flesh lusts against the spirit, and the spirit against the flesh” (Gal.
5:17). Holiness and sin are in a conflict that causes the regenerate to
“groan within themselves” (Rom. 8:23). But there is no such conflict and
groaning in the natural man. Apostasy was the fall of the human will,
with no remnants of original righteousness. Regeneration is the recovery
of the human will, with some remnants of original sin.
Total depravity means the entire absence of holiness,
not the highest intensity of sin. A totally depraved man is not as bad
as he can be, but he has no holiness, that is, no supreme love of God.
He worships and loves the creature rather than the Creator (Rom. 1:25).
S U P P L E M E N T S
4.5.1
(see p. 551).
Edwards (Original
Sin in
Works
2.385n) makes Adam’s sin to be the union of an evil inclining to an end
with an evil choice of a means: “Although there was no natural [created]
sinful inclination in unfallen Adam, yet an inclination to that sin of
eating the forbidden fruit was begotten in him by the delusion and error
he was led into, and this inclination to eat the forbidden fruit must
precede his actual eating.” Strictly speaking, however, the sinful
inclination (desire) was not “to eat the forbidden fruit” as fruit, but
to obtain the forbidden knowledge of good and evil. This inclination or
desire for the selfish end prompted the choice of means for obtaining
it, that is, the volition by which the fruit was plucked and eaten.
Edwards here, as in other places, confounds inclination with volition
and speaks of “an inclination to eat,” which properly was only a
decision to eat. An inclination is something permanent; a volition is
instantaneous and transient and is indifferent toward the means it
employs. Eve desired the forbidden knowledge. This was the main thing
with her. She had no desire for the fruit as fruit to satisfy hunger. If
she could have obtained the knowledge by any other means she would have
chosen it just as readily.
Owen also (Arminianism
in Works
5.123–36 [ed. Russell]) describes Adam’s sin as the union of inclination
and volition, of an evil desire with an evil act: “In the ninth article
of our (English) church, which is concerning original sin, I observe
especially four things: First, that it is an inherent evil, the fault
and corruption of the nature of every man. Second, that it is a thing
not subject or conformable to the law of God; but has in itself, even
after baptism, the nature of sin. Third, that by it we are averse from
God and inclined to all manner of evil. Fourth, that it deserves God’s
wrath and damnation, all of which are frequently and plainly taught in
the word of God. Respecting the first point: It is an inherent sin and
pollution of nature, having a proper guilt of its own, making us
responsible to the wrath of God, and not a bare imputation of another’s
fault to us, his posterity. David describes it as the being ‘shaped in
iniquity and conceived in sin.’ Neither was this peculiar to him alone;
he had it not from the particular iniquity of his next progenitors, but
by an ordinary propagation from the common parent of us all. The
Scriptures cast an aspersion of guilt or desert of punishment on this
sinful nature itself, as in
Eph. 2:1–3:
‘We are dead in trespasses and sins, being by nature children of wrath.’
They fix the original pravity in the heart, will, mind, and
understanding (Eph.
4:18;
Rom. 12:2;
Gen.
6:5). They place it in
the flesh or whole man (Rom.
6:6;
Gal. 5:16),
so that it is not a bare imputation of another’s fault but an intrinsic
adjacent [associated] corruption of our nature itself, that we call by
this name of original sin. In respect of our wills, we are not innocent
[but guilty] of the first transgression; for we all sinned in Adam, as
the apostle affirms. Now all sin is voluntary, say the Remonstrants, and
therefore Adam’s transgression was our voluntary sin also, and that in
divers respects: First, in that his voluntary act is imputed to us as
ours, by reason of the covenant which was made with him in our behalf;
but because this, consisting in an imputation, must be extrinsic to us;
therefore, second, we say, that Adam being the root and head of all
humankind, and we all branches from that root, all parts of that body of
which he was the head, his will may be said to be ours; we were then all
that one man, we were all in him, and had no other will but his; so that
though that [will] be extrinsic unto us considered as particular
persons, yet it is intrinsic, as we are all parts of one common nature;
as in him we sinned, so in him we had a will of sinning. So that
original sin, though hereditary and natural, is no way involuntary or
put into us against our wills. It possesses our wills and inclines us to
voluntary sins. Scripture is clear that the sin of Adam is the sin of us
all, not only by propagation and communication (whereby not his singular
[individual] fault, but something of the same nature [with it] is
derived unto us), but also by an imputation of his actual transgression
unto us all, his singular [individual] transgression being by this means
made ours. The grounds of this imputation are (1) that we were then in
him and parts of him and (2) that he sustained the place of our whole
nature in the covenant God made with him. When divines affirm that by
Adam’s sin we are guilty of damnation, they do not mean that any are
damned for his particular act, but that by his sin and our sinning in
him, by God’s most just ordination we
have contracted that
exceeding pravity and sinfulness of nature which deserves the curse of
God and eternal damnation. It must be an inherent uncleanness that
actually excludes out of the kingdom of heaven (Rev.
21:27), which
uncleanness the apostle shows to be in infants not sanctified by an
interest in the covenant.” In the same manner with Owen, the Formula of
Concord 1 prohibits the separation of the first sin from the corruption
produced by it: “We reject and condemn that dogma by which it is
asserted that original sin is merely the liability and debt arising from
another’s transgression, transmitted to us apart from any corruption of
our nature.”
One school of later
Calvinists, on the contrary, explains the corruption of nature in each
individual soul to be the effect of two sovereign acts of God: (1) The
imputation to it of the vicarious sin of Adam as its representative; (2)
the punitive withholding of divine influences at the instant of its
creation ex nihilo,
on the ground of this imputation. Hodge, for example (Princeton
Essays 1.146,
149), says: “According to the common view of immediate imputation, the
sin of Adam [as their representative] is imputed to all his posterity as
the ground of punishment antecedently to inherent corruption, which in
fact results from the penal withholding of divine influences.… The
punishment we suffer for Adam’s sin is abandonment on the part of God,
the withholding of divine influences; corruption is consequent on this
abandonment.” According to this view the corruption of nature is the
result not of Adam’s agency but of the agency of God in the two acts
above mentioned. It does not naturally and inevitably result from the
act of Adam in disobeying the Eden statute. The elder Calvinists, on the
contrary, holding to the substantial union of Adam and his posterity,
explain this corruption of the individual soul as the natural and
inseparable consequence of Adam’s transgression in Eden, thereby making
it to be the culpable and punishable product of Adam and his posterity,
as a unity, in their fall from God. Owen is an example in the extract
just given: “The Scriptures cast an aspersion of guilt or desert of
punishment on this sinful nature itself—this original pravity in the
heart, will, mind, and understanding—so that it is not a bare imputation
of another’s fault, but an intrinsic adjacent [associated] corruption of
our nature itself that we call by this name of original sin. Adam’s
transgression was our voluntary sin also: First, in that his voluntary
act is imputed to us as ours by reason of the covenant which was made
with him in our behalf; but because this consisting in an imputation
must be extrinsic to us therefore, Second, we say that Adam being the
root and head of all humankind, and we all branches from that root, all
parts of that body of which he was the head, his will may be said to be
ours; we were all that one man, we were all in him, and had no other
will but his; so that though that [will] be extrinsic unto us considered
as particular individual persons, yet it is intrinsic as we are all
parts of one common nature; as in him we sinned, so in him we had a will
of sinning. So that original sin, though hereditary and natural, is in
no way involuntary, or put into us against our wills. When divines
affirm that by Adam’s sin we are guilty of damnation, they do not mean
that any are damned for his particular act [as an individual
representing not including his posterity], but that by his sin and our
sinning in him, by God’s most just ordination we have contracted that
exceeding pravity and sinfulness of nature which deserves the curse of
God and eternal damnation.” It is impossible to make this view of the
relation of corruption in the individual to the sin of Adam mean that
“inherent corruption results from the penal withholding of divine
influences” and not from Adam’s act of transgression.
4.5.2
(see p. 552).
Howe (Vanity of Man
as Mortal) argues
in the same way as Anselm respecting the simple self-motion and
self-origination of the will’s inclination or willingness and the
irrationality of seeking any other cause of self-motion than the self.
Speaking of the unwillingness of the Christian to die and his assigning
as the reason that he is “unassured of heaven,” he says, “it is not so
much because we are unassured of heaven, but because we love this world
better, and our hearts center in it as our most desirable good.
Therefore we see how unreasonable it is to allege that we are unwilling
to change states because we are unassured. The truth is that we are
unassured because we are unwilling; and what then follows? We are
unwilling because we are unwilling. And so we may endlessly dispute
round and round, from unwillingness to unwillingness. But is there no
way to get out of this unhappy circle? In order to it, let the case be
more fully understood. Either this double unwillingness must be referred
to the same thing or to divers, either to itself or to something else.
If to the same thing, it is not sense, it signifies nothing. For having
to assign a cause of their unwillingness to quit the body, to say it is
because they are unwilling is to assign no proper cause. But if they
refer the unwillingness to something else than itself and say that they
are unwilling to leave the body because they are unwilling to forsake
earth for heaven, this is a proper cause.”
A cause, in the proper sense
of the term, is something different from the effect. But when
unwillingness is said to be caused by unwillingness, the so-called cause
and effect are not different things but the very same. The truth is that
when anything is self-caused it is taken out of the category of cause
proper and effect proper and brought into that of free will or
self-determination. Hence, to ask for a cause of sin that is other than
the self-inclining of the will is to make sin like an effect in the
natural world; in other words, no sin at all.
4.5.3
(see p. 555).
A kind of good in certain respects can be perceived in an object
presented as a temptation to a holy being, without there being a sinful
lust for it. Besides the instance of unfallen Eve and the fruit of the
tree of knowledge as “good for food” and “pleasant to the eye,” that of
Christ and his temptation is in point. When “all the kingdoms of the
earth and the glory of them” were presented to him as an object of
temptation, he could perceive a species of good in earthly power and
dominion without desiring it ambitiously and lusting after it for the
purpose of self-aggrandizement. He could view it unselfishly as
affording its possessor the means of influence and usefulness among
mankind and might desire it only as such, without longing for it as the
means of self-glorification.
4.5.4
(see p. 556).
Milton represents Adam as perceiving that the inward desire of Eve for
the forbidden knowledge was lustful and therefore of the nature of sin:
Bold deed have you presumed,
adventurous Eve,
And peril great invoked, who
thus has dared,
Had it been only coveting to
eye
That sacred fruit, sacred to
abstinence.
—Paradise
Lost 9.920
4.5.5
(see p. 558).
It is a favorite device of rationalism to explain Paulinism by
rabbinism. It is contended that the peculiarities of St. Paul’s
conception of Christianity proceed from his training in the rabbinic
theology. Edersheim (Life
of Jesus
1.165–66)
refutes this by showing the essential difference between the Old
Testament and the rabbinic conception of the Messiah and his redemption:
“The general conception which the rabbis had formed of the Messiah
differed totally from what was presented by the prophet of Nazareth.
Thus, what is the fundamental divergence between the two may be said to
have existed long before the events which finally divided them. It is
the combination of letters which constitutes words, and the same letters
may be combined into different words. Similarly, both rabbinism and what
by anticipation we designate Christianity might regard the same
predictions as messianic and look for their fulfillment; while at the
same time the messianic
ideal of the synagogue might
be quite other than that to which the faith and the hope of the church
have clung.
“The Messiah and his history
are not presented in the Old Testament as something separated from or
superadded to Israel. The history, the institutions, and the predictions
of Israel run up into him. He is the typical Israelite, nay, typical
Israel itself; alike the crown, the completion, and the representative
of Israel. He is the Son of God and the servant of the Lord, but in the
highest and only true sense which had given its meaning to all the
preparatory development. This organic unity of Israel and the Messiah
explains how events, institutions, and predictions which initially were
purely Israelitish could with truth be regarded as finding their full
accomplishment in the Messiah. From this point of view the whole Old
Testament becomes the perspective in which the figure of the Messiah
stands out. And perhaps the most valuable element in rabbinic commentary
on messianic times is that in which it is so frequently explained that
all the miracles and deliverances of Israel’s past would be reenacted,
only in a much wider manner, in the days of the Messiah. Thus the whole
past was symbolic and typical of the future. It is in this sense that we
would understand the two sayings of the Talmud: ‘All the prophets
prophesied only of the days of the Messiah’and ‘the world was created
only for the Messiah.’ In accordance with all this the ancient synagogue
found references to the Messiah in many more passages of the Old
Testament than those verbal predictions to which we generally appeal.
Their number amounts to upward of 456 (75 from the Pentateuch, 243 from
the Prophets, and 138 from the Hagiographa), and their messianic
application is supported by more than 558 references to the most ancient
rabbinic writings. But comparatively few of these would be termed verbal
predictions. Rather would it seem as if every event were regarded as
prophetic, and every prophecy, whether by fact or by word (prediction),
as a light to cast its sheen on the future, until the picture of the
messianic age in the far background stood out in the hundredfold
variegated brightness of prophetic events and prophetic utterances. Of
course there was danger that, amid these dazzling lights or in the crowd
of figures, the grand central personality should not engage the
attention it claimed, and so the meaning of the whole be lost in the
contemplation of the details. This danger was the greater from the
absence of any deeper spiritual elements. All that Israel needed: ‘Study
of the law and good works,’ lay within the reach of everyone; and all
that Israel hoped for was national restoration. Everything else was but
means to these ends; the Messiah himself only the grand instrument in
attaining them. Thus viewed, the picture presented would be of Israel’s
exaltation, rather than of the salvation of the world. To this and to
the idea of Israel’s exclusive spiritual position in the world must be
traced much that otherwise would seem utterly irrational in the rabbinic
pictures of the latter days. But in such a picture there would be
neither room nor occasion for a Messiah Savior, in the only sense in
which such a heavenly mission could be rational or the heart of humanity
respond to it. The rabbinic ideal of the Messiah was not that of ‘a
light to lighten the Gentiles and the glory of his people Israel’—the
satisfaction of the wants of humanity and the completion of Israel’s
mission—but quite different even to contrariety. On the other hand, it
is equally noteworthy that the purely national elements, which well nigh
formed the sum total of the rabbinic expectation, scarcely entered into
the teaching of Jesus about the kingdom of God. And the more we realize
that Jesus did so fundamentally separate himself from all the ideas of
his time, the more evidential is it of the fact that he was not the
Messiah of Jewish conception, but derived his mission from a source
unknown to or at least ignored by the leaders of the people.
“But still, as the rabbinic
ideas were at least based on the Old Testament, we need not wonder that
they also embodied the chief features of the messianic history.
Accordingly, a careful perusal of their Scripture quotations shows that
the main postulates of the New Testament concerning the Messiah are
fully supported by rabbinic statements. Thus, such doctrines as the
premundane existence of the Messiah, his elevation above Moses and even
above the angels, his representative character, his cruel sufferings and
derision, his violent death and that for his people, his work on behalf
of the living and the dead, his redemption and restoration of Israel,
the opposition of the Gentiles, their partial judgment and conversion,
the prevalence of his law, the universal blessings of the latter days,
and his kingdom—can be clearly deduced from unquestioned passages in
ancient rabbinic writings. Only, as we might expect, all is there
indistinct, incoherent, unexplained, and from a much lower standpoint.
Most painfully is this felt in connection with the one element on which
the New Testament most insists. There is, indeed, in rabbinic writings
frequent reference to the sufferings and even the death of the Messiah,
and these are brought into connection with our sins—as how could it be
otherwise in view of
Isa. 53
and other passages?—and in one most remarkable comment the Messiah is
represented as willingly taking upon him all these sufferings, on
condition that all Israel—the living, the dead, and those yet
unborn—should be saved. But there is only the most indistinct reference
to the removal of sin by the Messiah in the sense of vicarious
sufferings. In connection with what has been stated one most important
point must be kept in view. So far as their opinions can be gathered
from their writings, the great doctrines of original sin and of the
sinfulness of our whole nature were not held by the ancient rabbis. Of
course, it is not meant that they denied the consequences of sin, either
as concerned Adam himself or his descendants; but the final result is
far from that seriousness which attaches to the fall in the New
Testament, where it is presented as the basis of the need of a Redeemer,
who as the second Adam, restores what the first had lost.”
The difference between St.
Paul’s conception of the Messiah, of the fall and original sin, of
vicarious atonement, and of the nature of redemption and the rabbinic
conception as enunciated by a writer deeply versed in rabbinic learning
is fundamental. Had the apostle not been lifted out of and beyond his
early rabbinic training by the “revelations” and inspiration subsequent
to his conversion, of which he repeatedly affirms he was the subject, he
never could have made that statement of Christian doctrine which goes
under his name and which, next to the gospels, has exerted more
influence than any other part of Scripture in shaping Christianity and
Christendom.
4.5.6
(see p. 562).
Graves (Pentateuch
3.3) refers the divine threatening to “visit the sins of the fathers
upon the children” to the sufferings in this life, which God in an
extraordinary manner sometimes inflicted upon violators of the Mosaic
statutes and regulations, and not to the retributions of the future
[eternal] state, which, though well known and taught by Moses, were not
presented and employed by him as the sanctions of his legislation. “The
only circumstance,” he says, “that makes this denunciation appear severe
or unjust is the supposition that the sanctions of a future state are
understood; which it would certainly be repugnant to divine justice to
suppose should be distributed according to such a rule as this. But this
objection vanishes the moment we are convinced that the punishment here
meant relates only to outward circumstances of prosperity or distress in
the present life. Because if such a direct and visible sanction was
necessary in the particular system of providential administration by
which God thought fit to govern the Jewish race, it is evident that any
inequality as to individuals would be certainly and easily remedied in a
future life; so that each should receive his final reward exactly
according to his true merit in the sight of God, and thus ‘the judge of
all the earth do right.’
“Now it seems undeniable that
such an immediate and visible sanction was a necessary part of the
Jewish polity, so far as this required a providential distribution of
national rewards and
punishments. These affecting the great mass of the people and extending
through such portions of time as were necessary to give them their full
efficacy in forming the national character could not be confined within
the limits of a single generation or exclude from their operation each
private family in succession, as the heads of that family might drop off
whose conduct had originally contributed to swell the mass of national
guilt or contribute to the progress of national improvement. This is
illustrated in the case of Achan, whose children were involved in the
punishment of his violation of the divine command (Josh.
7:24), and in the
punishment inflicted in consequence of the idolatries of Jeroboam,
Baasha, and Ahab, involving their entire posterity.
“But the operation of this
sanction was not confined to the participation of national rewards or
punishments; it certainly affected individuals who violated the commands
to which it was annexed, even though such violation was confined to
themselves and could not therefore draw down any national chastisement.
Let it be recollected that the great crime, the temporal punishment of
which was to extend to the third and fourth generation, was
idolatry—that source of all profaneness and pollution which under the
Jewish polity was not only a violation of that religious duty for which
the children of Israel were set apart from every nation under heaven,
but was besides the highest crime against the state, which acknowledged
Jehovah as supreme sovereign, the sole object of civil allegiance as
well as of religious worship. To introduce idolatry was therefore to
subvert the foundation of the social union and engage in the foulest
treason and the most audacious rebellion. The supreme sovereign
therefore denounced against such treason and rebellion not only condign
punishment on the offender himself, but the extension of this punishment
to his family and immediate descendants; a principle recognized by many
of the most civilized states in which the crime of treason is punished
not only by death but by the confiscation of property and the taint of
blood; a principle which when carried into execution by a human tribunal
may operate in particular instances with unmerited or excessive
severity, but which in the Jewish theocracy was applied in every
instance by unerring justice. ‘For the deity,’ as Warburton well
observes, ‘though he allowed capital punishment to be inflicted for the
crime of lese majesty on the person of the offender by the delegated
administration of the law, yet concerning his family or posterity he
reserved the inquisition of the crime to himself and expressly forbade
the magistrate to meddle with it in the common course of justice. The
fathers shall not be put to death for the children, neither shall the
children be put to death for the father; every man shall be put to death
for his own sin (Deut.
24:16). We see the
operation of this law in
2 Kings 14:5–6,
where we are told that Amaziah, king of Judah, as soon as the kingdom
was confirmed in his hand, slew his servants which had slain the king,
his father. But the children of the murderers he slew not, according
unto that which is written in the book of the law of Moses, wherein the
Lord commanded, saying, The fathers shall not be put to death for the
children, nor the children be put to death for the fathers; but every
man shall be put to death for his own sin. Now God’s appropriating to
himself the execution of this law would abundantly justify the equity of
it, even supposing it had been given as a part of a universal religion;
for why was the magistrate forbidden to imitate God’s method of
punishing but because no power less than omniscient could in all cases
keep clear of injustice in such an inquisition?’
“Maimonides also understands
that this visiting of the sins of the fathers upon the children is aimed
at idolatry: As to that character of God of visiting the iniquity of the
fathers upon the children, know that this relates only to the crime of
idolatry; as may be proved from the Decalogue, which says, On the third
and fourth generation of them who hate me; for nobody is said to hate
God but an idolater; as the law expresses (Deut.
12:31), Every
abomination to the Lord which he hates have they done unto their gods.
And mention is made of the fourth generation, because no man can hope to
see more of his progeny than four generations.
“Thus the principle of
visiting the sins of the fathers upon the children unto the third and
fourth generations, by extending the temporal judgments denounced
against the perpetration of idolatry to the immediate posterity of the
idolater, is perfectly consistent with divine justice; because it
interferes not with that final retribution at which every man shall be
rewarded according to his works. That this sanction of the Jewish law
was not to be understood as a general principle of the divine economy
under every form of civil society and every degree of religious
improvement, but merely as a necessary part of that administration of an
extraordinary providence by which the Jewish law was sanctioned and
upheld during the earlier periods of its existence, has been proved by
Warburton from a circumstance which infidel writers have laid much
stress upon, as an instance of contradiction between different parts of
Scripture, when in truth it was only a gradual change in the divine
system, wisely and mercifully adapted to the gradual improvement of the
human mind. Toward the conclusion of this extraordinary economy,
observes Warburton, when God by the later prophets reveals his purpose
to give them a new dispensation, in which a future state of rewards and
punishments was to be substituted in place of an immediate extraordinary
providence, as the sanction of religion, it is then declared in the most
express manner that he will abrogate the law of punishing children for
the sins of their parents (Jer.
31:29–33;
Ezek. 11:19–21;
18:1ff.).
“In this way, in the Jewish
system, a people of gross and carnal minds and shortsighted views, slow
to believe anything they could not themselves experience and therefore
almost incapable of being sufficiently influenced by the remote prospect
of a future life and the pure and spiritual blessedness of a celestial
existence, were wisely and necessarily placed under a law which was
supported by a visible extraordinary providence, conferring immediate
rewards and punishments on the person of the offender; or which laid
hold of his most powerful instincts, by denouncing that his crimes would
be visited upon his children and his children’s children to the third
and fourth generation. And this proceeding was a necessary part of that
national discipline under which the Jews were placed and was free from
all shadow of injustice. Because when the innocent were afflicted for
their parents’ crimes, as Warburton has well observed, it was by the
deprivation of temporal benefits, in their nature forfeitable. Or should
this not so clearly appear, yet we may be sure that God, who reserved to
himself the right of visiting the sins of the fathers upon the children,
would perfectly rectify any apparent inequality in the course of his
providential government over the chosen people in another and a better
world by repaying the innocent who had necessarily suffered here with an
eternal and abundant recompense.”
That all this class of
sufferings which result from the individual sins of immediate ancestors
are not penal and retributive, like the suffering that results from the
sin of Adam, is also proved by the fact that the whole penalty
threatened for sin in the legal covenant was physical and spiritual
death; and this comes upon every man because of Adam’s sin, not because
of the sins of secondary ancestors. Furthermore, men are not twice
punished: once for Adam’s sin and again for their immediate parents’
sins. And again, this class of sufferings is not universal but
extraordinary and special. Penalty proper is common and universal and
falls upon all the posterity of Adam in the same way and without
exception; but the sufferings that befell the family of Korah were
uncommon and exceptional and distinguished them from the rest of the
families of Israel. The same is true of the sufferings which have come
upon the descendants of Ham for their father’s sin. The descendants of
Shem and Japhet have escaped them.
4.5.7
(see p. 569).
Augustine teaches that original sin is guilt in the following extracts:
“We understand the apostle to declare that
‘judgment’ is predicated ‘of
one offense unto condemnation’ entirely on the ground that even if there
were in men nothing but original sin, it would be sufficient for their
condemnation. For however much heavier will be their condemnation who
have added their own sins to the original offense (and it will be the
more severe in individual cases, in proportion to the sins of
individuals), still, even that sin alone which was originally derived
unto men not only excludes from the kingdom of God, which infants are
unable to enter (as the Pelagians themselves allow) unless they have
received the grace of Christ [in baptism] before they die, but also
alienates from salvation and everlasting life, which cannot be anything
else than the kingdom of God, to which fellowship with Christ alone
introduces us” (Forgiveness
and Baptism 1.15).
“The human race lies under a just condemnation, and all men are the
children of wrath. Of which wrath the Lord Jesus says: ‘He that believes
not the Son shall not see life; but the wrath of God abides on him.’ He
does not say it will come, but it ‘abides on him.’ For every man is born
with it; whereupon the apostle says: ‘We were by nature the children of
wrath even as others.’ Now as men were lying under this wrath by reason
of their original sin, and as this original sin was the more heavy and
deadly in proportion to the number and magnitude of the actual sins
which were added to it, there was need of a mediator, that is, of a
reconciler who by the offering of one sacrifice, of which all the
sacrifices of the law and the prophets were types, should take away this
wrath” (Enchiridion
33). “Infants who have not yet done any works of their own, either good
or bad, will be condemned on account of original sin alone, if they have
not been delivered by the Savior’s grace in the laver of regeneration
[i.e., baptism]. As for all others who, in the use of their free will,
have added to original sin sins of their own commission and who have not
been delivered by God’s grace from the power of darkness and admitted
into the kingdom of Christ, they will receive judgment according to the
desert not of original sin only, but also of the acts of their own will”
(Letter 215 to Valentinum).
4.5.8
(see p. 575).
Job (10:15)
refers his holiness to God, but his sinfulness to himself as the author:
“If I be wicked woe unto me; and if I be righteous, yet will I not lift
up my head.” Leighton (Theological
Lectures, 10)
concisely states the doctrine thus: “If you are sinful and act sinfully,
blame yourselves; if you are holy and act holily, praise God.”
4.5.9
(see p. 577).
Calvin thus distinguishes original from indwelling sin (4.15.10–12):
“Original sin is the pravity and corruption of our nature which first
renders us obnoxious to the wrath of God and then produces in us the
‘works of the flesh.’ Two things are to be distinctly observed. First,
that our nature being so entirely depraved and vitiated, we are on
account of this very corruption considered as convicted and condemned in
the sight of God, to whom nothing is acceptable but righteousness,
innocence, and purity. And therefore even infants themselves bring their
own condemnation into the world with them, who though they have not yet
produced the fruits of their iniquity, yet have the seed of it within
them; even their whole nature is, as it were, a seed of sin and
therefore cannot but be odious to God. By baptism, believers are
certified that this condemnation is removed from them; since the Lord
promises us by this sign that a full and entire remission is granted
both of the guilt which is to be imputed to us and of the punishment to
be inflicted on account of that guilt. They also receive righteousness
such as the people of God may obtain in this life, that is, only by
imputation, because the Lord in his mercy accepts them as righteous and
innocent.
“The other thing to be
remarked is that this depravity never ceases in us, but is continually
producing new fruits—these ‘works of the flesh,’ which are like the
emission of flame and sparks from a furnace or streams of water from an
unfailing spring. For concupiscence never dies nor is altogether
extinguished in men, till by death they are delivered from the body of
death. Baptism, indeed, promises us the submersion of our pharaoh and
the mortification of sin; yet not so that it no longer exists or gives
us no further trouble; but only that it shall never overcome us. For so
long as we live immured in this prison of the body, the relics of sin
will dwell in us; but if we hold fast by faith the promise which God has
given us in baptism, they shall not domineer or reign over us. But let
no one deceive himself, let no one indulge himself in his sin, when he
hears that sin always dwells in us. These things are not said in order
that those who are already too prone to do evil may securely sleep in
their sins, but only that those who are tempted by their corrupt
propensities may not faint and sink into despondency; but that they may
rather reflect that they are yet in the right way and may consider
themselves as having made some progress when they experience their
corruption diminishing from day to day, till they shall attain the mark
at which they are aiming, even the final destruction of their depravity,
which will be accomplished at the close of this mortal life. In the
meantime let them not cease to fight manfully and press forward to
complete victory. In all this we say nothing different from what is
clearly stated by Paul in the sixth and seventh chapters of the Epistle
to the Romans.”
4.5.10
(see p. 580).
Respecting the use of the term
nature
when applied to original sin, the Formula of Concord 1 thus defines: “We
must carefully observe the various significations of the word
nature,
the ambiguity of which the Manicheans abusing disguise their error and
lead many simple men into error. For sometimes
nature
signifies the substance itself of man, as when we say: God created human
nature. But sometimes by the word
nature
is understood the disposition, condition, defect, or vice of a thing
implanted and inherent in its nature, as when we say: It is the
serpent’s nature to strike; man’s nature is to sin and is sin. In this
latter signification, the word
nature
denotes, not the substance itself of man, but something which inheres
and is fixed in his nature or substance. As respects the Latin words
substantia
and accidens,
since these are not expressions of Holy Scripture and moreover are not
understood by the common people, we should abstain from them in public
assemblies where the unlearned multitude are taught; and in this matter
account should be taken of the more simple and untaught. But in schools
and among learned men (to whom the signification of these words is known
and who can use them correctly and without abuse, properly
discriminating the essence of anything from that which has been added to
it from without and inheres in it by way of accident), they are to be
retained in the discussion concerning original sin. For by means of
these terms the distinction between the work of God and the work of the
devil can be explained with the greatest clearness. For the devil cannot
create any substance, but can only by way of accident and under the
permission of God deprave a substance created by God.”
4.5.11
(see p. 580).
Turretin (10.4.39) gives the following account of the distinction
between natural and moral inability: “The inability of sinful man is not
to be denominated moral simply in distinction from natural, since that
is called morally impossible by moral philosophers which arises from
custom rather than from nature and is indeed difficult to be done, but
nevertheless is sometimes done and cannot be reckoned among the things
that are absolutely impossible; while the inability of the sinner is
innate and insuperable. Neither is it to be denominated natural simply,
since that is natural on account of which we are called neither good nor
evil, while it is certain that this inability is something vicious and
culpable. Nor is it natural in distinction from voluntary, as there is a
natural inability in a stone or a brute to speak, since our inability is
especially voluntary (maxime
voluntaria). Nor
is it natural as arising from a lack of natural faculty or power, like
the inability of a blind man to see, of a paralytic to walk, of a dead
man to rise from the
grave; because our inability does not exclude but always supposes in man
the natural powers of intellect and will.
“It is better, therefore, to
denominate the sinner’s inability both natural and moral, in different
respects. It is moral (1) objectively because relating to moral duties,
(2) originally because it originates from moral corruption spontaneously
brought in by the sin of man, and (3) formally because it is voluntary
and culpable, overflowing into the disposition (habitum)
of the corrupt will. It is also natural (1) originally because it is
congenital with us and by nature—not as nature was created by God but as
nature is corrupted by man—as we are said by St. Paul to be ‘by nature
children of wrath’ and by David to be in iniquity and conceived in sin,’
as poison is natural in a serpent and rapacity in a wolf; (2)
subjectively because it infects our whole nature and causes the
deprivation of that power of well-doing which was bestowed upon the
first man and constituted original righteousness, and (3) effectually (eventualiter)
because it is unconquerable and insuperable, not less than the merely
natural inability of a blind man to see or a dead man to rise. For
sinful man is no more able to convert himself than a blind man to see or
a dead man to rise from the grave. As therefore this inability is
rightly called moral and voluntary to indicate the responsibility and
guilt of man and render him inexcusable, so it is well denominated
natural to express the greatness of his corruption and demonstrate the
necessity of divine grace, because, as it is congenital to man, so it is
insuperable by him and he cannot shake it off but by the omnipotent
energy of the Holy Spirit.”
4.5.12
(see p. 583).
The equivocation and self-contradiction in Edwards’s doctrine of
“natural ability and inability” are seen by analyzing the following
extract from his work on the will given on
p. 597:
“If the will [i.e., the inclination] fully complies, and the proposed
effect does not prove, according to the laws of nature, to be connected
with his [executive] volition, the man is perfectly excused; he has a
natural inability to the thing required. For the will [inclination]
itself, as has been observed, is all that can be directly and
immediately required by command; and other things only indirectly, as
connected with the will. If therefore there be a full compliance of will
[inclination], the person has done his duty.” Edwards here declares that
the person who “has a natural inability to the thing required” because
he is prevented by the “laws of nature” from executing his inclination
by volitions has nevertheless “done his duty” by the inward inclining
and “complying” of his will. This shows that “natural inability,” as
Edwards defines it, does not prevent the performance of man’s duty to
God. If this be so, then “natural inability” is of little consequence.
It may exist, and yet the whole duty of man be performed
notwithstanding. And on the other hand, if “natural ability” be as
Edwards conceives of it the mere possession of a will apart from its
hostile inclination toward God, such an ability is not adequate to the
performance of the duty of loving God supremely. In this case, also,
“natural ability” is valueless, because the duty of man cannot be
performed by it. This shows that Edwards, in order to meet the
exigencies of his argument with his Arminian opponents, employs the term
ability
is a false sense and not in its true and common signification of real
efficient power.
Anselm (Why
the God-Man? 2.17)
directs attention to the two meanings of “power,” according as reference
is had to inclination or to volition: “We found when considering the
question whether Christ could lie that there are two senses of the word
power
in regard to it: the one referring to his disposition, the other to the
outward act; and that though he had the power to lie externally and
verbally, he was so disposed (a
seipso habuit)
that he could not lie inwardly and from inclination.” But in this
instance there is no equivocal use of “ability” in the sense of quasi
power. The ability of Christ to vocalize the words of a lie was real
ability; and his inability to incline to lie was real inability.
4.5.13
(see p. 584).
The question between the advocate of ability and the advocate of
inability is whether sinful man is able to love God supremely because he
so wills or inclines under the regenerating operation of the Holy Spirit
or whether he so inclines because of his own inherent power. Is ability
the effect of human or of divine power? The advocate of inability
contends that ability to love and obey God is the result of enabling the
fallen will by regenerating it, that ability is the effect of divine
actuation of the will. The Westminster Confession, which agrees with all
the Calvinistic creeds upon this point, represents “enabling” or ability
as the result of inclining the will and inclining as the result of the
operation of the divine Spirit in the will: “Effectual calling is the
work of God’s almighty power and grace, whereby, by savingly
enlightening the minds of his elect and renewing and powerfully
determining their wills, they are made willing and able freely to answer
his call and to accept and embrace the grace offered therein”
(Westminster Larger Catechism
67).
Apart from the “powerful determining of the sinful will” in effectual
calling, there is no power in the natural man to incline the will from
sin to holiness. Edwards asserts this with great energy, both in his
doctrinal and controversial writings. In his “Reply to Williams” (Works
1.246–47), for example, he argues that an unconverted person has no
right to enter into covenant with God in his own strength and to promise
to keep it by his own inherent power or ability, because he cannot keep
his covenant and fulfill his promise: “The promises and oaths of
unregenerate men must not only be insincere, but very presumptuous, upon
these two accounts. (1) Because herein they take an oath to the Most
High, which it is ten thousand to one they will break as soon as the
words are out of their mouths by continuing still unconverted. To what
purpose should ungodly men be encouraged to utter such promises and
oaths before the church, for the church’s acceptance? How contrary is it
to the counsel given by the wise man in
Eccles. 5:2,
4–6.
(2) When an unconverted man makes such a promise he promises what he has
not to give or what he has not sufficiency for the performance of—no
sufficiency in himself nor any sufficiency in any other that he has a
claim to or interest in. There is indeed a sufficiency in God to enable
him; but he has no claim to it. If it be true that an unconverted man
who is morally sincere may reasonably on the encouragement [given by God
to all men indiscriminately in the promises of common grace] promise
immediately to believe and repent, though this be not in his own power,
then it will follow [according to Williams’s affirmation that ‘God will
never be worse than his encouragement’] that whenever an unconverted man
covenants with such moral sincerity as gives a lawful right to the
sacraments [according to Williams and the halfway covenant party], God
never will fail of giving him converting grace that moment to enable him
from thenceforward to believe and repent as he promises.”
In
Religious Affections
(Works
3.71), Edwards finds “ability” in “inclination” alone: “This new
spiritual sense and the new dispositions that attend it are no new
faculties but are new principles of nature. By a principle of nature in
this place I mean that foundation which is laid in nature, either old
[and sinful] or new [and holy], for any particular manner or kind of
exercise of the faculties of the soul or a natural habit or foundation
for action giving a personal ability and disposition to exert the
faculties in exercises of such a certain kind.” This implies that if
there be no “foundation for any particular manner of exercise of the
faculties of the soul,” that is, no habit, disposition, or inclination
of the will; there is no ability to exert the faculties. Only a holy
disposition is able to love and obey God; only a sinful disposition is
able to hate and resist him.
4.5.14
(see p. 587).
Calvin and the Reformed theologians generally assert the “necessity” of
sinning in the case of the fallen will (see the extract from Ursinus on
p. 582
n. 96).
Edwards does the same as the extract on
p. 586
shows. But it is not the necessity of compulsion which is the more
common signification of the term,
but the necessity produced by
voluntary action and the certainty which results from a voluntary state
of the will. Edwards (Will
4.3) describes it: “Men in their first use of such phrases as these,
‘must, can’t, can’t help it, can’t avoid it, necessary, unable,
impossible, unavoidable, irresistible,’ etc., use them to signify a
necessity of constraint or restraint, a natural necessity or
impossibility, or some necessity that the will has nothing to do in;
which may be whether men will or no; and which may be supposed to be
just the same, let men’s inclinations and desires be what they will.”
Given an evil inclination, and evil thoughts, purposes, and actions are
necessary in the sense of certain and invariable, but the evil
inclination itself is not necessary in the sense of compelled. This is
self-originated and is the simple self-motion of the will. Christ
teaches this truth when he says that “a good tree cannot bring forth
evil fruit, neither can a corrupt tree bring forth good fruit” (Matt.
7:18). “The fallen
will,” says Calvin (2.3.5),
is so bound by the slavery of sin that it cannot excite itself, much
less devote itself to anything good; for such a disposition is the
beginning of a conversion to God, which in the Scriptures is attributed
solely to divine grace. Thus Jeremiah prays to the Lord to convert or
turn him if he would have him turned (Jer.
31:18). When I assert
that the will being deprived of its liberty [to good] is necessarily
drawn or led into evil, I should wonder if anyone considered it as a
harsh expression, since it has nothing in it absurd, nor is it
unsanctioned by the custom of good men. It offends those who know not
how to distinguish between necessity (necessitatem)
and compulsion (coactionem).
But if anyone should ask them whether God is not necessarily good (necessario
bonus) and whether
the devil is not necessarily evil (necessario
malus)—what answer
will they make? For there is such a close connection between the
goodness of God and his deity that his being God is not more necessary
than his being good. But the devil is by his [voluntary] fall so
alienated from communion with all that is good that he can do nothing
but what is evil. But if anyone should yelp (obganniat)
that little praise is due to God for his goodness which he is compelled
(cogatur)
to preserve, shall we not readily reply that his inability to do evil
arises from his infinite goodness and not from the impulse of violence
[compulsion]. Therefore if a necessity [infallible certainty] of doing
well impairs not the liberty of the divine will in doing well; if the
devil, who cannot but do evil, nevertheless sins voluntarily, who then
will assert that man sins less voluntarily, because he is under a
necessity of sinning [that springs from the state of his will]?”
In the above extract Calvin
speaks of the fallen will’s “being deprived of its liberty.” He means
liberty to good, not liberty in the abstract and unqualified sense. For
he says that Satan “sins voluntarily.” The action of the fallen will is
free agency in the sense of self-motion; but this free action in sin
effectually opposes and precludes free action in holiness. One free act
prevents another free act. In interpreting the creeds of the Reformation
and the systems of the elder divines, it is important to keep in mind
the distinction between liberty and ability (for the two things are
inseparable) to good and between liberty and ability to evil. They
invariably deny to the fallen will liberty to good, but not liberty to
evil in the sense of enforced self-determination to evil.
Owen (Saints’
Perseverance,
chap. 6) explains in the same manner: “God can effectually and
infallibly as to the event cause his saints to continue trusting in him
without the least abridgment of their liberty. If by [the word]
necessitated
to continue trusting, not the manner of God’s operation with and in them
for the compassing of the end proposed and the efficacy of his grace,
whereby he does it, be intended, but only the certainty of the issue,
rejecting the impropriety of the expression [namely, necessity], the
thing itself we affirm to be here promised of God.”
Anselm (Why
the God-Man? 2.5)
explains “how although a thing may be necessary God may not do it by a
compulsory necessity.” He says, “When one does a benefit from a
necessity to which he is unwillingly subjected, little thanks are due to
him or none at all. But when he freely places himself under the
necessity of benefiting another and sustains that necessity without
reluctance, then he certainly deserves great thanks for the favor. For
this should not be called necessity but grace, inasmuch as he undertook
it not with constraint but freely.” When God has voluntarily promised a
thing, then he is under a necessity of fulfilling his promise; but he
was under no necessity to promise. In like manner the sinner has
voluntarily fallen from God and thus came under the necessity of
sinning, but was under no necessity of falling from God.
Luther (On
the Bondage of the Will,
chap. 44) thus distinguishes the two significations of necessity: “We
should carefully distinguish between a necessity of infallibility
[certainty] and a necessity of coercion; since both good and evil men,
though by their actions they fulfill the decree and appointment of God,
yet are not forcibly constrained to do anything but act willingly.”
Edwards, in the following
extract, seemingly teaches not only that the lost are in a helpless and
necessitating self-bondage, but are destitute of liberty and moral
agency. His opponents contended that lost men and angels are still in a
state of trial, because they still had the power to the contrary. “If,”
says Edwards, “the damned are in a state of trial, they must be in a
state of liberty and moral agency, as the advocates of future redemption
will own; and so, according to their notion of liberty, must be under no
necessity of continuing in their rebellion and wickedness, but may turn
to God in their thorough subjection to his will, very speedily. And if
the devils and damned spirits are in a state of probation and have
liberty of will and are under the last and most extreme means to bring
them to repentance, then it is possible that the greatest part, if not
all of them, may be reclaimed by those extreme means and brought to
repentance before the day of judgment. And if so, how could it certainly
be predicted concerning the devil, that he ‘should be cast into the lake
of fire and brimstone, where the beast and false prophet are, and should
be tormented day and night, forever and ever’? And how can it be said
that when he fell, he was cast down from heaven and ‘reserved in
everlasting chains under darkness unto the judgment of the great day’?”
In this extract Edwards,
taking the words as they read, teaches that the lost are not “in a state
of liberty and moral agency” and that consequently they are under “a
[compulsory] necessity of continuing in their rebellion and wickedness.”
But he is using terms in the sense of his opponents and adopting “their
notion of liberty.” By “liberty and moral agency” they meant power to
the contrary, and by “necessity of continuing in wickedness,” he himself
does not mean physical necessity but the self-bondage of the will, which
is insuperable by the will. In denying free moral agency to the sinner,
as his opponents defined it, he does not deny it as he himself defined
it, in the sense of “being the immediate agent or the being that is
acting or in the exercise of the act” (Will
4.1). The radical difference between the Augustino-Calvinistic
definition of freedom and moral agency on the one side and the
Semipelagian and Arminian on the other must ever be kept in mind when
Edwards and other Calvinists deny “freedom and moral agency” to the
fallen will. His intention is to deny that the sinful will can reverse
its inclination and become holy by its own energy, but not that the
sinful inclination itself is the unforced agency and movement of the
will, for which the sinner is responsible. Both Augustine and the elder
Calvinists, however, were more careful than Edwards was to avoid such
seeming denials of free moral agency to the sinner, because they did
not, even for the sake of argument, temporarily adopt their opponents’
idea of the will and moral agency, but rigorously stuck to their own
idea and definition of it as simple self-determination without power to
the contrary. The self-determination in sin enabled them to affirm
liberty and responsibility in sin; and the want of power to the contrary
enabled them to affirm bondage and inability in sin.
Augustine (Enchiridion
30) asserts the sinner’s freedom in sinning and denies his freedom to
good because of the bondage
produced by the sinning: “It
was by the evil use of his free will that man destroyed both it and
himself. For as a man who kills himself must of course be alive when he
kills himself, but after he has killed himself ceases to live and cannot
restore himself to life, so, when man by his own free will sinned, then
sin begin victorious over him the freedom of the will [to good] was
lost. ‘For of whom a man is overcome, of the same is he brought in
bondage.’ This is the judgment of the Apostle Peter. And as it is
certainly true, what kind of liberty, I ask, can the bond slave possess
except when it pleases him to sin? For he is freely in bondage who does
with pleasure the will of his master. Accordingly, he who is the servant
of sin is free to sin. And hence he will not be free to do right until,
being freed from sin, he shall begin to be the servant of righteousness
[as Paul argues in
Rom. 6:18–20,
22].
And this is true liberty, for he has pleasure in righteous action; and
it is at the same time a holy bondage, for he is subject to the will of
God. But whence comes this liberty to do righteousness, to the man who
is in bondage to sin and ‘sold under sin,’ except he be redeemed by him
who has said, ‘If the Son shall make you free, you shall be free
indeed’? And before this redemption is wrought in a man, when he is not
yet free to do righteousness, how can he talk of the freedom of his will
and his good works, except he be inflated by that foolish pride of
boasting which the apostle restrains when he says, ‘By grace are you
saved, through faith’?”
This passage, which might be
paralleled with scores like it from Augustine’s writings, contains his
doctrine of free will and of freedom. The following are the principal
points:
1. Freedom
in willing is the actual self-motion or inclining of the will. It
excludes indifference, because indifference implies that the will is not
yet self-moving and inclining. Freedom is action; indifference is
inaction.
2. A
distinguishing characteristic of self-motion and inclination is
pleasure. The holy will enjoys obedience; the sinful will enjoys
disobedience. This evinces the freedom of the self-motion of the will;
for were there compulsion there would be no enjoyment. The agent would
not be conscious of doing as he pleases.
3. Right
self-motion is incompatible with simultaneous wrong self-motion, and the
converse. Free action in one direction is inability in respect to the
other. Good inclination precludes evil inclination. The servant of sin
is free in sinning, but not free to do right, because of his freedom in
sin. His bondage to sin is the effect of his self-motion in sin.
4. Freedom
to sin may be affirmed, and freedom to holiness denied. Sinful
inclination is as really inclination as holy inclination, but it is
false freedom because it conflicts with the moral law. When, therefore,
Augustine and Calvin deny freedom to the sinner, as they often do, they
do not deny his self-motion and voluntariness in sin, but his ability to
the contrary, or his power to reverse and change his self-motion (cf.
Shedd on
Rom. 6:18–20,
22).
4.5.15
(see p. 592).
That “sin is a privation, a defect rather than an effect,” may be thus
illustrated. Sickness is the mere defect of health; the absence of
health. But health is not the mere defect or absence of sickness. Health
is the normal and right condition of the body, the positive state having
its own positive characteristics. Sickness is the abnormal and wrong
condition of the body, which is marked not by a set of positive
characteristics antithetic to those of health, but only of negative
characteristics which consist in the absence of the positive. For
illustration, indigestion is the absence of certain properties that make
up digestion, not the presence of certain other properties that make up
indigestion. Simply ceasing to digest is indigestion; it is not
necessary to introduce some new physical processes in order to
indigestion, but merely to stop some old ones. Augustine (Enchiridion
13–14) thus explains the subject: “Every being, even if it be a
defective one, insofar as it is a being is good and insofar as it is
defective, is evil. Good and evil are contraries, but evil cannot exist
without good or in anything that is not good. Good, however, can exist
without evil. For a man or an angel can exist without being wicked; but
nothing can be wicked except a man or an angel; and so far as he is a
man or an angel [i.e., a creature of God] he is good; so far as he is
wicked he is an evil. Nothing can be corrupted except what is good, for
corruption is nothing else but the destruction of good.”
4.5.16
(see p. 598).
Sin is idolatry, that is, creature worship. This is St. Paul’s
definition in
Rom. 1:25:
“Men worshiped and served the creature more than the Creator.” All forms
and aspects of sin are reducible to this. And this is the inclining of
the human will to self as the ultimate end, because self is the
particular creature in which selfishness is most interested. All other
creatures are subordinate and subservient to this one. This idolatry is
both freedom and bondage: “Whosoever [freely] commits sin is the slave
of sin” (John
8:34); “of whom a man
is [voluntarily] overcome, of the same is he brought in bondage” (2
Pet. 2:19). This sin
is freedom because it is the uncompelled self-motion of the will; it is
bondage because the will is unable to reverse its self-motion. Man is
responsible and guilty for this creature worship because he originates
and perpetuates it by self-determination; and he is helpless and ruined
by it because he cannot overcome and extirpate his central
self-determination by his superficial volitions and resolutions.
1
1. WS:
Hodge (Princeton Essays
1.150, 168) thinks that Edwards here “abandons” the doctrine of
immediate imputation which “he maintains in two-thirds of his work
on original sin” and adopts mediate imputation. But Edwards, in this
place, explicitly imputes the guilt of the first rising of evil
desire as well as of the corruption resulting from it; and this
rising of evil desire he says was the first sin, which was
inseparable from its consequence, namely, corruption of nature. Had
Edwards asserted that only the corruption as the effect, but not the
rising of evil desire itself as the cause of the effect, is imputed,
he would have been liable to the charge of holding mediate
imputation.
2
2. WS:
If it be objected to this explanation of the term
gods in this place
that in Gen. 3:22 the knowledge is described as like that of God
himself (“one of us”), the reply is that there are two ways of
knowing evil: the one as Satan knows it, namely, by personal
sinfulness and self-consciousness; the other as God knows it,
namely, by the intuition of omniscience without personal sinfulness
and self-consciousness. The knowledge can therefore be spoken of
from either point of view. As prohibited, it must have been as a bad
knowledge, that is, the knowledge of “the gods” in the bad sense,
the knowledge which Satan and his angels had.
3
3. WS:
The lustful looking of Eve is indicated in Luther’s version of Gen.
3:6 (Lange’s Commentary in loco).
10
10. נֶחְמָד
= to be desired
11
11. οὐκ
ἐπιθυμήσεις = you shall not lust
15
15. WS:
Cf. Heppe, Reformed Dogmatics
2.249; Augustine, Unfinished Work
5; Concerning Nature, Healthy and
Corrupt.
24
24. ἐφ᾽
ᾧ πάντες ἥμαρτον = in whom all sinned
25
25. διὰ
τῆς ἁμαρτίας = through sin
30
30. παράπτωμα
= transgression
32
32. Verbum
ἥμαρτον
(hēmarton
= sinned) proprie non protest trahi ad habitum peccati, vel ad
corruptionem habitualem et inhaerentem, sed proprie peccatum aliquod
actuale notat, idque praeteritum, quod non potest aliud esse quam
ipsum Adami peccatum; aliud quippe est peccatorem esse vel nasci,
aliud vero reipsa peccare.
36
36. ἁμαρτάνειν
= to sin
42
42. ἁμαρτάνειν
= to sin
44
44. πάντες
ἡμαρτηκότες ἦ σαν = all were regarded as
sinners
45
45. ἡμαρτηκὼς
ἔσομαι = I will be (regarded as) a sinner
46
46. ἔσομαι
ἐγω καὶ σάλωμων ἁμαρτολοί = I and (my son)
Solomon will be counted sinners
52
52. Haud
justum fuisset unius angeli crimen alteri imputari, vel unius
hominis peccatum alterius censeri, posito quod singuli seorsim
essent creati sicut angeli. Sed est unitas naturae, cui unitas
foederalis erat innixa.
53
53. WS:
See Ritschl, History of Justification,
390–410 (trans. Black); Shedd,
Theological Essays, 243–54.
54
54. a
partner in crime
55
55. WS:
“Sin,” as Müller (Sin
2.163) remarks, “must begin, not in a state, but in an act.” Yet the
first act of sin, it must be remembered, causes and produces a state
of sin.
56
56. Illis
enim verbis [in the decree of the synod] aut exposita non est
Placaei sententia, aut male exposita est. Is enim primi peccati Adae
imputationem nunquam simpliciter negavit, nunquam negatam voluit.
Cum igitur imputationem primi illius peccati quandam affirmet,
quandam neget, non exponitur ejus sententia, si dicitur simpliciter,
et nulla distinctione adhibita, primi peccati Adae imputationem
negare.
68
68. Damnant
Pelagianos et alios, qui vitium originis negant esse peccatum. (Vitium
can also mean “sin, offense, vice.”)
69
69. WS:
Shedd, History of Doctrine
2.35–42, 180–86; on Rom. 7:15–17; Müller,
Sin 2.400.
71
71. παράπτωμα
= transgression
73
73. ἐπιθυμία
= lust, desire
75
75. οὐκ
ἐπιθυμήσεις = do not lust/covet
77
77. Aliquid
concupitum, dictum, factum, contra legem dei.
78
78. Lex
“ne concupiscito” inquit. Itaque et si cupiditate, quae te incendit,
non assentiaris, ipse tamen carnis tuae impetus peccatum est.
79
79. Inclinatio,
actio, vel omissio pugnans cum lege dei.
80
80. concupiscentia
est inclinatio voluntaria
83
83. WS:
Edwards defines inclination as the “leading act” of the will. See p.
512.
84
84. WS:
The Arminian and the Calvinistic views of freedom are contrasted in
the following statement of Edwards: “Natural sense does not place
the moral evil of volitions and dispositions in the cause of them,
but the nature of them. An evil thing’s being from a man in the
sense of from something antecedent in him is not essential to the
original notion we have of blameworthiness; but it is its being the
choice of the heart. When [on the other hand] a thing is from a man
in the sense that it is from his will or choice, he is to blame for
it because his will is in it: so far as the will is in it blame is
in it, and no further. Neither do we go any further in our notion of
blame to inquire whether the bad will be from a bad will: there is
no consideration of the original of that bad will: because,
according to our natural apprehension, blame originally consists in
it [i.e., the bad will]”; Will
in Works
2.174.
85
85. The
author of evil is not the avenger of evil.
86
86. WS:
Calvin 2.2.5; Shedd, History of
Doctrine 2.164–77;
Theological Essays,
235–43; Sermons to the Natural Man,
sermon 11.
88
88. WS:
Had St. Paul intended to teach that these virtuous heathen do all
things required by the law, he would have said
ton nomon poiē
(τὸν νόμον ποιῇ
= he keeps the law), as in Gal. 5:3.
89
89. WS:
On the natural instincts and the moral and religious affections, see
p. 511.
91
91. Nam
servit voluntas peccato, non nolens sed volens. Etenim voluntas non
noluntas dicitur.
93
93. WS:
Cf. Formula Consensus Helvetica,
737 (ed. Niemeyer). For Turretin’s account of the distinction; see
10.4.39.
94
94. WS:
In Works
2.102 Edwards, however, speaks doubtfully on this point: “If moral
inability can truly be called inability.” Cf. his doubt whether it
is proper to call God a part of “being in general.” See nature and
definition of God on pp. 176–77.
96
96. WS:
So Ursinus (Christian Religion
Q. 8) argues: “They who cannot but sin are unjustly punished; but
the unregenerate cannot but sin: therefore God does unjustly punish
them. Answer. They who necessarily sin are unjustly punished, except
that necessity come voluntarily and by their own will. But men have
drawn upon them that necessity voluntarily in the first parents and
themselves do willingly sin. Therefore God does justly punish them.”
97
97. the
possibility of sinning
98
98. (the)
power (of sinning)
99
99. WS:
“To choose” here means “to incline” or “to be willing.” It does not
mean “to exert a volition,” for a man is able to exert a volition
“contrary to a present inclination.”
100 100. WS:
Shedd, Sermons to the Natural
Man, 11, 14.
102
102. Praecepta dei non sunt
mensura virium, sed regula officii; non docent quid nunc
possumus, sed quid debeamus, et quod olim potuerimus.
104
104. by his own movement
105
105. WS:
Will in
Works
2.17. So also does Locke,
Understanding 2.8, 21; and
Hobbes, Works
2.410.
106
106. The cause of a cause is
the cause of the thing caused.
108 108. WS:
See also Howe, Blessedness of
the Righteous, 18; Boston,
Fourfold State
2.3.1–3; and especially Owen,
Holy Spirit 3.2.
110
110. an argument relying on
personal abuse