7 Creation
In Westminster Shorter Catechism Q. 8 it is said that
“God executes his decrees in the works of creation and providence.” The
decree itself, we have seen, as immanent in the divine being, is formed in
eternity and is one single act which simultaneously includes all that comes
to pass in all space and time. But as emanent and transitive, it passes into
execution by a gradual and endless succession of events and phenomena. The
two general modes in which the divine decree is executed are creation and
providence. It might at first sight seem as if redemption should constitute
a third mode; but theologians have commonly included this under the head of
providence, as the special manner in which God provides for the needs of men
as sinners.
Creation
Ex Nihilo
Creation, in the proper sense of origination
ex nihilo, is the very first
work that God does ad extra.
Nothing precedes it, except that eternal activity in the divine essence
which results in the trinitarian persons. These latter are not creations,
but emanations. Hence creation is called “the beginning of God’s way” (Prov.
8:22); and God is said to have created the heaven and earth “in the
beginning” (Gen. 1:1). The doctrine of creation is taught in Gen. 1:1; Neh.
9:6; Job 26:3; Ps. 19:1; 104:30; 124:8; 146:6; John 1:3; Acts 17:24; Rom.
11:36; 1 Cor. 8:6; 2 Cor. 4:6; Col. 1:16; Heb. 3:4; 4:4; 11:3. The peculiar
characteristic in creation, namely, the origination of entity from
nonentity, is mentioned in the following: “The worlds were framed so that
things which are seen were not made of things that do appear” (Heb. 11:3);
“God commanded the light to shine out of darkness” (2 Cor. 4:6); and “by him
were all things created, visible and invisible” (Col. 1:16).
Creation ex nihilo
is peculiar to the Scriptures. It is not found even in the most rational and
spiritual of the ancient cosmogonies. Even when an intelligent architect of
the universe is affirmed, as in the systems of Plato and Aristotle, an
eternal hylē,1
or chaotic matter, is postulated, out of which it is formed. Philo (On
the World) takes the same view. In the
Platonic writings, God is rather a demiurge than a Creator. Plutarch (Procreation
of the Soul) describes Plato’s view as
follows: “The creation was not out of nothing, but out of matter wanting
beauty and perfection, like the rude materials of a house lying first in a
confused heap.” Ranke (Universal History
1.22) marks the difference between the Mosaic and the Egyptian and Assyrian
cosmogonies as …
an express counterstatement. With
the Egyptians and Babylonians, everything is developed from the inherent
powers of the sun, the stars, and the
earth itself. Jehovah, on the
other hand, appears as the Creator of heaven and earth; as both the
originator and the orderer of the world. The conception of a chaos is not
excluded, but this conception itself rested on the idea of a previous
creation. (See supplement
3.7.1.)
In Scripture, the term
creation is sometimes employed in a secondary
sense: “You send forth your spirit, they are created” (Ps. 104:30); “I
create evil” (Isa. 45:7); “the Lord has crated a new thing in the earth”
(Jer. 31:22); “create in me a clean heart” (Ps. 51:10); “I create new
heavens and a new earth” (Isa. 65:17; Rev. 21:1; and other passages). In
these instances, divine agency operating by means of second causes is
intended. Creatures are propagated under laws established by the Creator;
sin is permitted and controlled by God employing the human will; an
extraordinary event in history is brought about by divine providence; the
regeneration and sanctification of the human soul is a secondary creation.
Under the head of creation, we have to do only with the
primary and strict signification of the term, as denoting origination from
nothing: de nihilo
or ex nihilo. The
poverty and inadequateness of human language is very apparent in respect to
this idea. Words are more or less pictorial in their roots and elements. But
the creation of entity from nonentity utterly forbids any picturing or
imaging. For this reason, more or less of qualification or explanation must
be employed, in all languages, in connection with the words that are used to
denote this purely abstract and inexplicable conception.
The Hebrew word employed to denote the idea of creation
is bārā˒.2
According to Gesenius (in voce)
it signifies “(1) to cut, to carve; (2) to form, create, produce; Gen. 2:3
reads bārā˒
la˒ăśôt:3
which he created in making, that is, which he made in creating something
new.” Says Delitzsch (in Lange’s Commentary
on Gen. 1:1), “Bārā˒4
in the Piel signifies to cut, hew, form; but in the Qal,5
it is employed to denote divine products, new and not previously existing in
the sphere of nature and history (Exod. 34:10; Num. 16:30; and frequently in
the prophets) or in the sphere of spirit (Ps. 51:10). In the Qal it never
denotes human productions and is never used with the accusative of the
material.” In Exod. 5:16,
˓āśâ6
is used with the accusative of material: “Make brick.” Dillmann (on Gen.
18:21) agrees with Delitzsch. Oehler (Theology
of the Old Testament 1.169) takes the same
view. Dorner (Christian Doctrine
2.23) endorses it. The patristic, medieval, and Reformation exegesis adopts
this interpretation.
The clause ex nihilo
is explanatory of the term creation
and is necessary to define it and guard it from misuse. Unless it be
employed, creation may be used to signify evolution or development, which is
a wholly different conception. Ex nihilo
denotes that a created thing is not produced out of existing matter of any
kind whatever: “ ‘Out of’ (ex)
does not indicate matter but rather excludes it.”7
Creation of entity from nonentity is expressed in Rom. 4:17: “God calls
those things which be not, as though they were (ta
mē onta hōs onta).”8
The same idea is suggested in 2 Cor. 4:6: “God who commanded the light to
shine out of darkness.” It is not meant that darkness is the material of
which light is made, but the state or condition of things in which light is
made to begin by a fiat. Hebrew 11:3, which says that “things which are seen
were not made of things that do appear,” teaches that there is an invisible
cause for all visibles; and Col. 1:16, which says that “all things visible
and invisible” were created (ektisthē)9
by the first begotten, teaches that God creates the invisible forces of
matter, as well as the invisible spirits of angels and men. In the
apocryphal 2 Maccabees 7:28 it is said that “God made the heaven and earth
of things that are not (ex
ouk ontōn).”10
Creation ex nihilo
has its human analogies. The understanding originates thoughts from nothing;
and the will originates volitions from nothing. Thoughts and volitions,
however, are not entities or substances, and here the analogy fails. But
they are ex nihilo.
One thought is not made out of another thought; nor is a volition made out
of another volition. Here the analogy holds good.
The maxim “nothing comes from nothing”11
is true in the sense that nothing comes from nothing (a) by finite power,
(b) as the material out of which something is produced, and (c) by the mode
of emanation, generation, or evolution, because this supposes existing
matter. Lucretius (1.151) lays down the position that “nothing ever was
brought forth from nothing by divine power.”12
The reason that he gives why even by divine power (divinitus)
nothing can be produced from nothing is that in this case there would be no
need of a seed or egg and that, consequently, everything might be produced
out of everything: men could be originated out of the sea, and fishes and
birds out of the earth. Lucretius does not conceive of the seed or egg as
created, but as eternal. His reasoning is valid against pseudoevolution or
evolution defined as “the transmutation of the homogeneous into the
heterogeneous.” Everything may be originated out of everything, upon this
theory. The homogeneous vegetable may develop into the heterogeneous animal;
the homogeneous animal into the heterogeneous man. And the process may be
downward as well as upward, because either process is alike the
transmutation of a homogeneous substance into a heterogeneous one. If it
were possible by the operation of merely natural law to convert the
inorganic mineral into the organic vegetable, it would be possible by the
same method to convert the organic vegetable into the inorganic mineral. The
rule would work in both ways. As plausible an argument might be constructed
out of the deterioration and degradation of some of the human family to
prove that man may be evolved downward into an anthropoid ape, as that which
has been constructed to prove that he has been evolved upward from one.
Spinoza’s definition of “substance” was intended to
exclude the doctrine of creation ex nihilo.
He defines substance as “that which exists of itself, that is, the
conception of which does not require the conception of anything else” (Ethics
1.3). But the conception of a creature is the conception of a substance that
requires another substance to account for it. A created substance,
consequently, is precluded by Spinoza’s definition of substance. There
cannot be any such thing. Descartes had previously defined the absolute and
primary substance as “that which so exists that it needs nothing else for
its existence”; and Aquinas (1.29.2) so defines a trinitarian subsistence or
person. But Descartes added a definition of created or secondary substance
as “that which requires the concurrence (concursus)
of God, for its existence.” Spinoza in his early life made an abstract of
Descartes’s philosophy for the use of a pupil (Concerning
the Principles of Rene Descartes’ Philosophy).13
His editor, De Meyer, remarks that Spinoza must not be understood to agree
with Descartes and mentions that he rejected Descartes’s distinction between
intellect and will, but says nothing about the distinction between primary
and secondary substance (Bruder’s
Spinoza
1.89). Subsequently, when Spinoza published his own system, he rejected the
distinction between primary and secondary substance and gave no definition
of any substance but the “one and only substance,”14
of which everything is a modification. By this begging the question15
or postulate of one substance only, he excludes created substance and lays
the foundation of pantheism.16
This theory of the universe energetically rejects creation
ex nihilo and maintains
emanation. Fichte says that “the assumption of a creation is the fundamental
error of all false metaphysics and philosophy.” Hegel explains the universe
of matter and spirit as an immanent process of God, a material efflux out
from the absolute which is retracted again as immaterial spirit. Strauss
expresses the same idea in the statement that “Trinity and creation are,
speculatively considered, one and the same thing; only the former is the
rational, and the latter the empirical aspect.”Kant, on the contrary,
asserts that “the proposition that God, as the universal first cause, is the
cause of the existence of substance can never be given up without at the
same time giving up the notion of God as the being of all beings and thereby
giving up his all sufficiency, on which everything in theology depends” (Practical
Reason, 279 [trans. Abbott]). (See supplement
3.7.2.)
The maxim “nothing comes from nothing”17
is false in reference to the supernatural and omnipotent power of God. The
Supreme Being can originate entity from nonentity.18
The following are the characteristics of creation from nothing:
1. Creation has a
beginning. It is not the eternal emanation of an eternal substance or the
eternal evolution of an eternal germ. This is taught in Gen. 1:1 by the
clause in the beginning
and in the phrase before the foundation of the
world frequently employed to denote eternity.
Origen held that God is eternally creating; otherwise he would have nothing
to do and would be mutable in deciding to create (Schleiermacher,
Dogmatics 1.197). The
opera ad intra meet
the first objection. The eternal generation and spiration are divine
activities prior to the creation of the universe and independent of it.
Boethius asserted that God is eternal and that the world is perpetual. Rothe
(Ethics §40)
affirms eternal creation. Defective trinitarian or positively
antitrinitarian theories logically tend either to the dogma of an eternal
creation or else of emanation in order that the deity may have an object for
himself as a subject. True trinitarianism finds this object within the
Godhead. God the Son is God the Father’s object. If creation is eternal, the
universe is as old as the Creator. It could be said of it, as the Nicenes
said of the Son of God:
ouk ēn pote hote ouk ēn.19
2. Creation is optional,
not necessary, for God. It proceeds from free will and is expressed by fiat:
“He has stretched out the heavens by his discretion” (Jer. 10:2). Emanation
is necessary and constitutional, like the generation of the Son and
spiration of the Spirit.
3. Creation originates
another new substance; but emanation and evolution produce only
modifications of an old and existing substance.
The conception of creation from nothing is purely
intellectual, like that of a mathematical point, line, or surface. These
latter cannot be explained or even illustrated by sensuous images and are
held as valid conceptions by a purely rational act of the mind unassisted by
sensation. The atheistic mathematician who denies the being of God and
creation ex nihilo,
because he cannot image them, should upon the same principle deny the
validity of the mathematical conceptions of a point, line, and surface.
Owing to man’s strong propensity to image his knowledge and explain
conceptions by a sensuous method, he attempts to account for the universe by
postulating an eternal substance of some ethereal kind, out of which it is
made. Hence even Plato and Aristotle suppose a
hylē,20
which is formed into the cosmos by the supreme architect. Müller (Literature
of Greece, 87–88) asserts that the idea of
creation from nothing is wanting in the Greek conception of the deity and is
found in the Eastern nations. But the only Eastern people who had the idea
were the Hebrews. The Persian cosmogony is dualistic; and the Indian is
pantheistic. “It is,” says Augustine (City of
God 11.2), “a great and very rare thing for a
man, after he has contemplated the whole creation, corporeal and
incorporeal, and has discerned its mutability, to pass beyond it, and by the
continued soaring of his mind to attain to this unchangeable substance of
God, and, in that height of contemplation to learn from God himself that
none but he made all that is not of the divine essence.” Mosheim, in a note
to Cudworth (3.140), proves by a survey of ancient philosophy and theology
that the doctrine of creation ex nihilo
is found only in Scripture.
Creation Account in Genesis
The first verse of Genesis mentions the first of the
opera ad extra of
the triune God, namely, the creation of the present universe. The clause
heaven and earth
denotes all that is not God, namely, the worlds of matter and of finite mind
or the sensible and intelligible worlds. “Heaven and earth” means the
universe; as when one says of another: “He would move heaven and earth to
accomplish his purpose.” The sacred writer begins with an all-comprehending
proposition: God created all finite beings and things. The same truth is
taught in Col. 1:16: “By him were all things created, that are in heaven and
that are in earth, visible and invisible.” Here, the creation of the
universe is referred to the second trinitarian person. A portion of the
universe is spiritual in its substance and is denoted by “heaven”; and a
portion is physical and is denoted by “earth.” The spirits of angels and men
constitute the spiritual part of the universe, and matter constitutes the
physical part of it. From Job 38:7 it appears that the angels were created
before the six days’ work, and from Gen. 1:26 that men were created on the
sixth day.
This is the old patristic interpretation of Gen. 1:1.
Says Augustine (Confessions
12.7): “You created heaven and earth: things of two kinds; one near to you,
the other near to nothing.” By this latter, Augustine means the rarefied
matter of chaos. Again (Confessions
12.7) he says, “You created heaven and earth; not out of yourself, for so
they should have been equal to your only begotten Son, and thereby equal to
you also.”21
(See supplement 3.7.3.)
The created universe of mind and matter, denominated
“heaven and earth” in Gen. 1:1, is diverse from God, that is, is another
substance. It is not God or a part of God, because God created it from
nonentity. God and the universe are not one substance, but two substances:
one primary and the other secondary, one necessary and the other contingent.
God and the universe do not constitute one system of being, but two distinct
and different systems; for a system implies that all the parts are of one
nature and coequal in dignity and duration. Some theists, like Edwards, for
example, under the phrase being in general,
have unintentionally taught Spinozism. This phrase brings God and the
universe into a single system and makes God a part of it. Whatever is really
one system of being is a numerical unity and is of one and the same essence.
The three trinitarian persons, for example, constitute one system of divine
being, and they are numerically one substance. The universe is not infinite,
but finite, and therefore cannot belong to the system of the infinite. The
term infinite in
the proper sense is applicable only to God. For that which is strictly
infinite is also eternal and necessary. But neither eternity of being or
necessity of being belongs to the “heaven and earth” that was created “in
the beginning” of time. The universe is the finite, and God is the infinite
(see Howe, Oracles
2.9). The universe is unlimited, in distinction from infinite. The unlimited
is capable of increase, diminution, and division; the infinite is not.
Space, time, and matter are unlimited; they can be added to, subtracted
from, and divided. God is infinite and incapable of addition, subtraction,
or division. The finite spirit is also unlimited, not infinite. It is
capable of increase and diminution; not by addition and subtraction of
substance, but by development of latent properties or suppression of them.
“World” is sometimes put for “universe.” In this case, “world” denotes all
being that is not God. Coleridge’s formula illustrates this: “World minus
God = zero. God minus world = reality absolute. The world without God is
nonentity. God without the world is, in and of himself, absolute being and
infinite perfection” (Marsh, Remains,
162). The use of “world” as the antithesis of “God” and the equivalent of
“universe” is more common in philosophy than in literature. In literature,
“world” more generally denotes a part of the universe. Milton uses the term
to denote the visible universe of matter:
How this world
Of heaven and earth conspicuous
first began.
—Paradise
Lost 7.62
In Gen. 1:2 Moses proceeds to speak of the first state
and condition of the “earth,” in distinction from the “heaven”: “And the
earth was without form and void.” He describes the “earth” (excluding the
“heaven”) as a mass of chaotic matter which had been created
ex nihilo in that “beginning”
spoken of in the first verse. By the “earth” in the second verse is not
meant merely the planet earth, but the whole material system connected with
it, both solar and stellar. The ensuing description of God’s work upon that
part of the universe called “earth” shows that the sun, moon, and stars
belong to it. Says Matthew Henry (on Gen. 1:2):
A chaos was the first matter. It
is here called the “earth” (though the earth in the sense of the dry land
was not made until the third day), because it did most resemble that which
afterward was called earth, mere earth, an unwieldy mass. It is also called
the “deep,” both for its vastness and because the waters which were
afterward separated from the earth were now mixed with it. This mighty bulk
of matter was it, from which all bodies even the firmament and visible
heavens were afterward produced by the power of the eternal word.
Between the single comprehensive act of the creation of
the angels and of chaotic matter mentioned in Gen. 1:1 and the series of
divine acts in the six days described in Gen. 1:3–31, an interval of time
elapsed. This is the old patristic interpretation. The very common assertion
that the church has altered its exegesis, under the compulsion of modern
geology, is one of the errors of ignorance. The doctrine of an immense time
prior to the six creative days was a common view among the fathers and
Schoolmen. So also was the doctrine of the rarefied and chaotic nature of
matter in its first form a patristic tenet. Kant’s gaseous chaos filling the
universe, adopted by La Place and Herschel, was taught, for substance, by
Augustine, in the following positions taken in
Confessions 12.8.1. God created a chaotic
matter that was “next to nothing,” that is, the most tenuous and
imponderable form of matter. This chaotic matter was made from nothing
“before all days,” that is, in that prior period marked by the words
in the beginning. This
chaotic unformed matter was subsequently formed and arranged in the six days
that are spoken of after Gen. 1:1.
Augustine’s exegesis of Gen. 1 is substantially this: In
the beginning, that is, in a time prior to the six days, God created
ex nihilo the angelic world
or “the heaven” and chaotic inorganic matter or “the earth.” Then in the six
days he formed (not created) chaotic inorganic matter into a cosmic system,
solar, stellar, and planetary, and upon the planet earth created (not
formed) the organic vegetable, animal, and human species. This was the
interpretation generally accepted in the patristic and Middle Ages. Lombard
(Sentences 2.12)
adopts Augustine’s views. David Kimchi, a learned rabbi of the twelfth
century, respecting whom the Jews said, “No Kimchi, no understanding of the
Scriptures,” explained Gen. 1 in the following manner: “First of all, God
created the ‘heaven,’ that is the highest heaven with the angels; then the
‘earth,’ the first appearance and condition of which are described in the
second verse and out of which the other creatures are subsequently formed.
And it is called without ‘form and void,’ in opposition to heaven; which was
immediately carried to its full perfection and replenished with inhabitants”
(Witsius, Apostles’ Creed,
diss. 8).
Respecting the length of the six creative days, speaking
generally, for there was some difference of views, the patristic and
medieval exegesis makes them to be long periods, not days of twenty-four
hours. The latter interpretation has prevailed only in the modern church.
Augustine teaches (On the Literal Meaning of
Genesis 4.27) that the length of the six days
is not to be determined by the length of our days. Our seven days, he says,
resemble the seven days of the account in Genesis in being a series and in
having the vicissitudes of morning and evening, but they are “quite
unequal.”22
In 4.1 he says that it is difficult to say what “day” means. In 5.1 he calls
attention to the fact that the “six or seven days may be and are called one
day” (Gen. 2:4). In 2.14 he calls the six days “God-divided days,” in
distinction from “sun-divided days” (see Lewis, “Genesis” in
Lange’s Commentary, 131).
Gangauf (Augustine,
111n) cites numerous passages to the same effect. Anselm (Cur
deus 1.18) remarks that there was a difference
of opinion in his time as to whether the six days of Moses “are to be
understood like days of ours” as a successive creation or whether “the whole
creation took place at once.” He says it is “the opinion of the majority”
that man and angels were created at the same time, because we read: “He who
lives forever created all things at once.”
There is nothing in the use of the word
day by Moses that requires
it to be explained as invariably denoting a period of twenty-four hours; but
much to forbid it. The following facts prove this: (1) day means daylight in
distinction from darkness (Gen. 1:5, 16, 18); (2)day means daylight and
darkness together (1:5); and (3) day means the six days together (2:4). The
first day (1:5) could not have been measured by the revolution of the sun
around the earth because this was not yet visible. The same variety in
signification is seen in the Mosaic use of the word
earth: (1) the entire
material universe (Gen. 1:1); (2) the solar, stellar, and planetary system
(1:2); (3) the dry land of the planet earth (1:10); or (4) the whole of the
planet earth (1:15, 17). The Ten Commandments were called by the Jews the
“ten words.”The term word
here denotes a truth or proposition, not a single word. Similarly, a period
of time having its beginning and ending, its evening and morning, may
naturally be called a “day.” (See supplement 3.7.4.)
The seven days of the human week are copies of the seven
days of the divine week. The “sun-divided days” are images of the
“God-divided days.” This agrees with the biblical representation generally.
The human is the copy of the divine, not the divine of the human. Human
fatherhood and sonship are finite copies of the trinitarian fatherhood and
sonship. Human justice, benevolence, holiness, mercy, etc., are imitations
of corresponding divine qualities. The reason given for man’s rest upon the
seventh solar day is that God rested upon the seventh creative day (Exod.
20:11). But this does not prove that the divine rest was only twenty-four
hours in duration any more than the fact that human sonship is a copy of the
divine proves that the latter is sexual.
Harmony of the Biblical
Creation Account with Physical Science
Respecting the harmony between physical science and
revelation, it is to be observed in the first place that physical science is
not infallible, so that an actual conflict between science and revelation
would not necessarily be fatal to revelation. It might be fatal to science.
In the seventeenth century the physics of Descartes had great authority, and
much was made by the skeptics of that day of the fact that the Mosaic
physics did not square with the Cartesian physics. Says Howe (Oracles
2.21), “Some are sick of the history of the creation, because they cannot
reconcile the literal account thereof, in the beginning of Genesis, with the
philosophy of their Descartes: as if his reputation were a thing more
studiously to be preserved than that of Moses; though yet, more might be
said than has been, to reconcile with natural principles even the whole
history of the creation.” The “vortices” of the Cartesian physics are today
an exploded and rejected “science”; and the most skeptical physicist of this
generation would not dream of alleging a conflict between science and
religion because Moses does not agree with Descartes.
Again, in the second place, physical science is not one
and invariable in its contents. There have been a multitude of scientific
theories that cannot be reconciled with each other. The Ptolemaic and the
Copernican astronomies are examples. For centuries the Ptolemaic system was
undisputed; and the skeptic of those centuries endeavored to show that the
Bible did not agree with it, and the believer of those centuries endeavored
with equal strenuousness to show that it did (Herschel,
Discourse §336).
Christianity, on the other hand, has had substantial invariability. The
differences between Christian believers, even upon the more recondite
doctrines, are by no means so great as those between the ancient Greek and
the modern Englishman upon the nature and laws of matter. The difference
between the Augustinian and the Semipelagian or between the Calvinist and
the Arminian is not at all equal to that between Ptolemy and Copernicus. The
doctrines of the Trinity, incarnation, apostasy, the redemption have always
constituted the essential substance of the Christian faith. But no such
substantial invariability as this appears in the history of physical
science. Even, therefore, if it could not be shown that revelation is in
harmony with a science that confessedly is not infallible and actually is
not invariable, it would not be a very serious matter for revelation. The
error might be upon the side of science.
After this preliminary observation, we remark, in the
first place, that the biblical physics does not conflict with the
heliocentric Copernican theory. Nothing at all is said in the opening of
Genesis respecting the motion of the earth in relation to the sun; and the
phraseology in other parts of Scripture is popular and to be explained as it
is when the modern astronomer himself speaks of the rising and setting of
the sun. In the second place, the order of creation as given in Genesis is
corroborated by the best settled results of modern physics. The whole field
cannot of course be gone over. Let us test the matter by referring to
geology, in respect to which science the conflict has been the most severe.23
The now generally accepted facts in geology remarkably
coincide with the series of events related in Genesis. The sequence of the
creative periods is substantially the same in both. Physical science may be
regarded as having established with considerable certainty the following
positions: (1) The planet earth, at first, was a chaotic mass in a state of
fusion and enveloped in a totally dark atmosphere of vapor. This agrees with
the statement in Gen. 1:2: “The earth was without form and void, and
darkness was upon the face of the deep.” (2) By the cooling caused by the
radiation of heat, a crust was formed over the molten interior, and the
atmospheric vapor was condensed into an ocean of water which covered the
superficial crust. This primeval ocean is mentioned in Gen. 1:2: “The Spirit
of God moved upon the face of the waters.” The creative work under these two
heads is not a part of the six days’ work. It occurred before the first day
and belongs to the immense duration between “the beginning” and the six
days’ work. (3) The condensation of vapor did not make the earth’s
atmosphere clear and translucent immediately. But in course of time it so
cleared it, that the light, which had been generated by the heat, could
penetrate it with some obscurity. Light as a luminous haze could now be
distinguished from darkness. This agrees with Gen. 1:3–4: God said, “Let
there be light; and God divided the light from the darkness.”
The appearance of light before the appearance of the sun
is one of the strongest proofs that the author of this narrative was
instructed upon his point. Such a fact as this must have been revealed to
him. Previous to modern physical investigations, this apparent misplacement
of light before the sun was regarded as singular by the believer and absurd
by the skeptic. The fact, moreover, that the sun and moon did not appear
until the fourth day and that the vegetable kingdom was created on the third
day and was growing without sun visible in the sky greatly increased the
difficulty. But the theory of the modern geologist removes the difficulty
and corroborates with Moses. According to geology, there was a long period
when the primeval oceans were tepid water, when the atmosphere was a
gloaming and was as moist, warm, and germinating as that of the rainy season
in the tropics:
Over all the face of the earth
Main oceans flowed, not idle, but,
with warm
Prolific humor softening all her
globe
Fermented the great mother to
conceive,
Satiate with genial moisture.
—Milton
The consequence was that rank growth of succulent,
fernlike vegetation, of which the coal beds are now the exponent.
As the inorganic process of radiation of heat and
condensation of vapors went on, the earth’s atmosphere became less and less
vaporous and more and more luminous, until the space around the planet
assumed the appearance of the empty, hollow arch of heaven. Previously, this
space had been so much filled with vapor that no distinction between earth
and sky was possible. This formation of the atmospheric welkin or dome is
described in Gen. 1:6–8: “And God said, Let there be a firmament [expanse],
and let it divide the waters which are under the firmament from the waters
which are above the firmament. And God called the firmament heaven.” A
similar atmospheric process is continually occurring on a smaller scale in
the clearing up of a storm or fog. It is described by Shelley in “The
Cloud”:
For after the rain, when with
never a stain,
The pavilion of heaven is bare,
Prolific humor softening all her
globe
The winds and the sunbeams with
their convex gleams,
Build up the blue dome of the air.
By the contact of water with the lava beneath the earth’s
crust, steam and gases are generated, causing earthquakes and convulsions
which lift the crust, forming the mountain ranges, elevating tablelands,
lagoons, and ocean beds. This process having taken place, the planet is
fitted to support the first and lowest form of organized matter, namely, the
vegetable. Up to this point in the Mosaic account, there is no life of any
kind in that part of the created universe designated by the term
earth in Gen. 1:2.
Everything is inorganic and lifeless, and the only forces in operation are
mechanical and chemical. Now the plant as a living species, which could not
be originated by any of the mechanical and chemical that had previously been
in action, is created ex nihilo,
and the vegetable kingdom is established on earth. Geology finds no
evidences of vegetable life in igneous rocks and corroborates the teaching
of Moses in Gen. 1:9–12: “And God said, Let the waters under the heavens be
gathered together unto one place, and let the dry land appear. And God
called the dry land Earth, and the gathering together of the waters called
the Seas. And God said, Let the earth bring forth grass, the herb yielding
seed, and the fruit tree yielding fruit after its kind.” With this is to be
compared 2 Pet. 3:5: “By the word of God, there were heavens from of old and
an earth compacted (synestōsa)24
out of water (ex
hydatos)25
and amid (or through) water (di’
hydatos)”26
(Revised Version). This teaching of St. Peter seems to agree with the
geological view that earth got its solid consistence “out of” and above the
water, by means of the convulsions that lifted it up, and “amid” and under
the water, by means of the deposit of rocky strata.
In saying “let the earth bring forth (dāšā˒)27
grass” (Gen. 1:11), it is not meant that the inorganic earth or mineral
develops into the organic vegetable and thus that vegetable life is an
evolution from the lifeless clod; because it is also said that God “created
every plant of the field before it was in the earth and every herb of the
field before it grew” (Gen. 2:5).28
The words let the earth bring forth
mean that the earth furnishes the nonvital material elements that constitute
the visible form of a plant, which are vitalized and assimilated by an
invisible principle of vegetable life—which invisible principle was a
creation ex nihilo.29
The creation of this is the creation of the species vegetable. This
interpretation is evidently the true one, not only because it agrees with
Gen. 2:5, but because the earth in verse 24 is said to bring forth animals
also. If there be no intervening creative energy and the earth is the sole
cause, then evolution produces out of the very same lifeless elements both
vegetable and animal life. But even the evolutionist has not yet claimed
that the animal comes directly from the mineral. The vegetable is the link
between the two. The mineral first becomes a vegetable, and then the
vegetable becomes an animal, according to the materialistic physics. Our
Lord’s words in Mark 4:28 explain the words let
the earth bring forth grass: “The earth brings
forth fruit of herself (automatē),30
first the blade, then the ear, then the full corn in the ear.” The earth
today “brings forth fruit spontaneously of itself” only because of the seed
planted in it. And on the third creative day, the earth “brought forth grass
spontaneously” only because of the new vegetable species then created by God
“before it was in the earth and before it grew” (Gen. 2:5).
The sun and moon now appear in the vault of heaven, that
is, in the atmosphere entirely cleared of the primeval vapor. The seasons
are now arranged, since the sun can exert its power, and the vegetable world
in its higher as well as its lower forms is developed. This agrees with Gen.
1:14–19.
Animal life in the waters and in the air is then created
(Gen. 1:20–23). It is acknowledged that marine life is the oldest of all
animal life. The coral formations of the Florida reefs are the work of
living creatures. Agassiz (Graham Lectures,
68) thinks that they are “hundreds of thousands of years old.” This
distinguished naturalist, in his Fossil Fishes,
shows that of the vertebrate animals fishes alone existed at first; that
amphibious animals came later; and that birds and mammals appeared still
later, the lower orders first and the higher afterward. Haeckel (Creation
1.68) concedes that Agassiz has shown this. The fiat “let the waters bring
forth” is to be explained like “let the earth bring forth.” A specific
animal principle is created ex nihilo,
which builds up out of the vegetable and other elements now in the waters a
particular form of fish or bird: “The causality of ‘the swarming of the
swarm’ cannot lie in the water itself” (“Genesis” in
Lange’s Commentary, 171;
Philo, Works
4.284 [ed. Bohn]).
Animal life on the land is then created: (a) irrational
animals and (b) man (Gen. 1:24–31). Geology shows that man is latest in the
series.
The six days of Gen. 1 are six creative periods, each
having its evening and morning and each one of these marked by a particular
manifestation of divine power: some more distinctly than others, but all
really so marked. This is indicated in the Hebrew: “There was [an] evening,
and there was [a] morning: one day.” The first, second, and fourth days
exhibit the Creator operating through those mechanical laws and chemical
properties of matter, which he established “in the beginning” spoken of in
Gen. 1:1. The effects in these three days are brought about by radiation of
heat, condensation of vapor, chemical affinity and repulsion, attraction of
cohesion, gravitation, etc. The third, fifth, and sixth days are periods
during which life—vegetable, animal, and mental—is originated
ex nihilo by creative energy.
Neither of these forms of life can be accounted for by the operation of
those laws and properties of matter which were employed on the first,
second, and fourth days. The first, second, and fourth are inorganic days
during which nothing vital is originated. The third, fifth, and sixth are
organic days during which the vegetable, animal, and rational kingdoms are
originated.
The Mosaic record mentions four and perhaps five creative
fiats by which the living species in the organic world were originated
ex nihilo. The first
fiat creates the vegetable species (Gen. 1:11–12). The second creates the
animal species in its lower forms, namely, fishes, reptiles, and birds
(1:20–22). The third creates the animal in the higher forms of the quadruped
(1:24–25). The fourth creates man (1:26–28). It is somewhat uncertain
whether the bird is included under the same fiat with the fish and reptile
because the Hebrew reads, “Let the waters bring forth abundantly the moving
creature that has life, and let fowl fly above the earth in the open
firmament of heaven” (Revised Version). In this case, the “fowl” are not
necessarily the product of the “waters.” The Authorized rendering “and fowl
that may fly” represents the “waters” as bringing forth the “fowl.” St. Paul
teaches the doctrine of distinct living species when he says, “All flesh is
not the same flesh; but there is one kind of flesh of man, another of
fishes, and another of birds” (1 Cor. 15:39).
These several fiats establish and fix the limits that
separate the vegetable from the animal kingdom and the several species in
the animal kingdom from each other. The result of each fiat is distinct from
that of the others. The fiat that created the vegetable did not create the
fish. The fiat that created the quadruped did not create man. No mere
evolution of that which was created by the first fiat will yield that which
was created by the second; in other words, no one of these distinct species
can be transmuted into another by merely natural causes. The supernatural
power of God must intervene in order to account for an absolutely new
species. God must say: “Fiat.” The theory of evolution as presented either
by Haeckel in its extreme form or by Darwin in its more moderate form
unquestionably contradicts the Mosaic physics: “The divine word of power
creates not merely a force in general; each new and distinct creative word
introduces a new and distinct principle into the already existing sphere of
nature—a principle which hitherto had not been present in it” (Lange’s
Commentary on Gen. 1:9–13). Agassiz (Graham
Lectures, 13) comes to the same conclusion
from considering the diversities of structure in the kingdom of animal life:
“It must be mind acting among these material elements, making them
subservient to its purpose, and not the elements themselves working out
higher combinations of structure.” (See supplement 3.7.5.)
At the same time, the Mosaic physics does not needlessly
multiply the miracle, but admits the evolution of varieties under a species.
If but one fiat is intended in Gen. 1:11–12 and no subdivisions are implied
under it, then all the innumerable varieties of plants in the vegetable
kingdom have been evolved by propagation from one original vegetable
principle. Vegetable protoplasm, in this case, has developed into the
endless variety of plants. The mention, however, of “kinds” of grass, herb,
and tree looks like subdivisions under the general fiat. So, likewise, if
only a single fiat without subdivisions is mentioned in 1:20–21, it would
not contradict the Mosaic physics to concede that reptiles have developed
from fishes and even birds from reptiles. But the mention of “kinds” (1:21)
appears rather to imply subdivisions under the general fiat. Again, if in
1:24–25 but a single fiat without subdivisions is intended by the sacred
writer, then the species quadruped originated on the sixth day has
developed, under the law of propagation and by the influences of
environment, into the innumerable varieties that now fill the earth. The
fact, however, that the quadruped is produced “after its kind” would seem to
indicate particular creative acts under the general.
While there is this amount of indefiniteness and
flexibility in the Mosaic account respecting the breadth of a species, there
is the strictest definiteness and inflexibility respecting the fact. While,
according to Moses, the vegetable may evolve from the vegetable and the
animal from the animal, it would utterly contradict the Mosaic physics to
concede that fishes, reptiles, and birds have evolved from the plant or
vegetable; that quadrupeds have evolved from fish, reptile, and bird; that
man has developed from irrational biped or quadruped. The products of two
general fiats cannot be brought under a single one. The species man,
originated by a distinct fiat on the sixth day, has developed under the law
of propagation and by the influence of environment into the several
varieties or races of men. This fiat is distinguished from all the others in
that God addresses himself, not the earth or the waters. It is certain,
also, that no subdivisions under it are implied, as in the case of the
others, because man is not said to have been produced “after his kind.”
This creation and fixedness of species is corroborated by
the observations of the physicist. There are botanical and zoological
provinces and groups on the globe. Each species has its own center and is
propagated from it. Plants, fishes, reptiles, birds, and quadrupeds have
their own habitat. The lion is not found in every zone nor the horse.
Neither is the pine nor the palm. Man differs in this respect from all other
species. He is found in all zones; and this because he has a higher grade of
intelligence found in no other species by which he can supplement nature and
counteract what is unfavorable or deadly in his environment. He can build a
fire—a thing no other animal can do. He can sow and reap grain—which no
other animal can do. He can make clothing to protect himself from cold, can
build a house, can cook food.
Eternity of Matter vs.
Creation Ex Nihilo
The first theory antagonistic to creation
ex nihilo is that of the
eternity of matter. One or the other doctrine must be adopted. Something is
now and has been from eternity: “The very words
there is nothing or
there was a time when there was nothing
are self-contradictory. There is that within us which repels the proposition
with as full and instantaneous a light, as if it bore evidence against it in
the light of its own eternity” (Coleridge,
Friend in Works
2.464). If this “something” is not mind, then it is matter. The objections
to the eternity of matter are the following:
1. The idea of matter does
not imply absolute perfection. Matter is not the most perfect substance or
being that we can conceive of. The idea of matter does not include all kinds
of perfection. Rational intelligence is a quality of which matter is
destitute. So, also, is free will.
2. The idea of matter does
not imply necessary existence. This follows from its not being the
absolutely perfect. Matter is contingent being. The supposition of the
nonexistence of matter is not in conflict with the proposition that
something is from eternity. We could still suppose the eternal existence of
mind and account for the temporal existence of matter as its created
product. But the converse is not supposable. For should we suppose the
primary nonexistence of mind and its subsequent creation by matter, this
would imply that the nonintelligent originates the intelligent, which is as
difficult to believe as that nonentity originates entity.
3. The idea of matter does
not imply eternal existence, because it does not imply perfection and
necessity of existence. The three conceptions stand or fall together.
4. If matter is eternal it
must be the first cause; but matter cannot be the first cause since this
must be self-moving and perpetually moving. Matter is marked by the force of
inertia.31
It must be moved ab extra;32
and its motion diminishes if not perpetuated ab
extra.33
The burden of proof lies upon him who denies this. The Newtonian physics and
mathematics are inseparable from one another, and both must stand until they
are refuted by a materialistic physics and mathematics. If therefore there
was a time when there was nothing but matter, there could be no beginning of
motion because there is nothing self-moving; and if there be no beginning of
motion there can be no causation. Matter cannot therefore originate
anything. Locke (Understanding
4.10.10) argues that inert matter, having no self-motion, can no more
produce motion than nonentity can produce entity. If, in reply, the
materialist should postulate an eternal motion along with an eternal matter,
Locke replies that even if his postulate should be conceded matter and
material motion could no more produce mind and mental motion or thought and
will than nothing could produce something. Incogitative being, he says,
cannot originate cogitative being. Matter cannot create mind. Locke sums up
the whole in the following sentence: “If we suppose nothing to be eternal,
matter can never begin to be; if we suppose bare matter without motion to be
eternal, motion can never begin to be; if we suppose only matter and motion
to be eternal, thought can never begin to be.” Says Henry More (Immortality
1.7): “If matter as matter had motion, that is, were self-moved, nothing
would hold together; but flints, adamant, brass, iron, yea this whole earth
would suddenly melt into a thinner substance than the subtle air, or rather,
it would never have been condensed together to this consistency we find it.”
That self-motion is the characteristic of mind and that
its contrary (vis inertiae)
is the characteristic of matter has been the historical opinion. Plato (Phaedo)
maintains that intellect is the only cause, in the strict meaning of the
word. Matter is only apparently a cause. A material cause has another cause
back of it and so backward indefinitely. We get no real cause until we get
to a mind which is self-moved. Here we have real beginning and a true cause.
Plato approves of and defends the dictum of Anaxagoras that
nous esti archē tēs
kinēseōs.34
Berkeley has reproduced this view with great clearness and elegance. Cicero
(Scipio’s Dream)
says: “That which is ever moving is eternal; that which communicates to
another object a motion which it received elsewhere must necessarily cease
to live, as soon as its motion is at an end. The being which is self-moving
is the only being that is eternal, because it is never abandoned by its own
properties, neither is this self-motion ever at an end.”
Newton’s first axiom in the beginning of his
Principia
is that “every body continues in its state of resting or of moving uniformly
in a straight line, except insofar as it, being acted upon by forces, is
compelled to change its state.”35
All matter uniformly remains in status quo,
either of motion or of rest, unless it is made to change its state by
external causes. The entire structure of the historical physics is built
upon this foundation. That the distance between motion and rest is as great
as between existence and nonexistence has from the first been the dictum of
all physics that has a support in mathematics: “Matter has no inherent
power, either of beginning to move when at rest, or of arresting its
progress when in motion. Its indifference to either state has been expressed
by the term force of inertia36
(Turner, Chemistry,
1). The recent materialistic physics is anti-Newtonian in denying the
vis inertiae and in
postulating self-motion for matter. “Body and mind,” says Haeckel (Creation
2.360), “can in fact never be considered as distinct. As Goethe has clearly
expressed it: ‘Matter never can exist and act without mind, and mind never
without matter.’ ” The first part of Goethe’s remark is true, but not the
last part. Goethe was a Spinozist, and Spinoza asserted one substance with
the contradictory properties of thought and extension. Says Maudsley (Physiology
of Mind, 148), “We must get rid of the notion
of matter as inert. Matter is not inert.”
The hypothesis of the eternity of matter has been
recently revived in that of molecular motion. This assumes that the ultimate
atoms of matter have self-motion. A motive force is inherent in matter per
se. The theorist postulates intrinsic motion along with his molecule. And he
must, because he denies that there is any mental or intelligent source of
motion. One molecule must impinge upon another molecule by its own motivity
or not at all. The doctrine of self-motion is thus applied to atoms of
matter. This is carried to its extreme in the so-called natural selection
attributed to matter. Haeckel maintains that inorganic matter, by varying
its molecular motion, becomes organic matter. Vegetable and animal life
result from mechanical changes in dead matter, and these changes are
“selected” and self-caused. Haeckel (Creation
1.18) quotes with approbation the following from Virchow: “Life is only a
complicated kind of mechanics. A part of the sum total of matter emerges,
from time to time, out of the usual course of its motions, into special
chemico-organic combinations, and after having for a time continued therein,
returns again to general modes of inorganic action.” Here, both self-motion
and choice are ascribed to inorganic matter. Certain molecules, by their own
election, pass or “emerge” from one kind of motion into a different kind and
then go back or “return” to the first kind. Darwin confines this theory to
organic matter. Only living protoplasm can effect such changes by its own
motivity. Natural selection, according to him, is restricted to the
molecules of living matter. A primitive protoplasm being supposed, all the
varieties of vegetable, animal, and rational life can then be accounted for
by natural selection—that is, by protoplasmic molecules altering their own
motion. Huxley goes further and contends that the organic sprang from the
inorganic: “What are called second causes produce all the phenomena of the
universe” (Man’s Place in Nature,
essay 2). (See supplement 3.7.6.)
Upon the theory of Haeckel and Huxley, there is no need
of an intelligent and personal mind in order to account for the phenomena of
the universe.37
Self-motion and natural selection in the molecules of matter are sufficient
to explain all. The difference in the direction and velocity with which
molecules choose to move is the key. When molecules elect to move in one
way, the product is a mineral—inorganic and lifeless. When they elect to
move in another way, the product is a vegetable; in still another way is an
animal; in still another way is a human soul. “The soul of man,” says
Haeckel (Creation
1.179, 237), “just like the soul of animals, is a purely mechanical
activity, the sum of the molecular phenomena of motion in the particles of
the brain. The will is the habit of molecular motion. The will is never
free. It depends upon the material processes in the nervous system.”
Lamarck, in his 1809
Zoological Philosophy, anticipated this theory
in these terms:
All the phenomena of life depend
upon mechanical, physical, and chemical causes which are inherent in the
nature of matter itself. The simplest animals and the simplest plants, which
stand at the lowest point on the scale of organization, have originated, and
still do, by spontaneous generation. All animate natural bodies or organisms
are subject to the same laws as inanimate natural bodies. The ideas and
activities of the understanding are the motional phenomena of the central
nervous system. The will is in truth never free. Reason is only a higher
degree of the development and combination of [sensuous] judgments.
Lamarck’s opinion that
infusoria
are vegetable and not animal was refuted by Ehrenberg and Spallanzani, the
eminent microscopists (Kirby, On Animals,
80–81). Lamarck, however, extended the theory no further than Darwin does.
He derived organized beings from the microscopically organic, not from the
inorganic. In so doing, he is inconsistent with his theory that “all the
phenomena of life depend upon the mechanical, physical, and chemical causes
which are inherent in the nature of matter.”
As we have before remarked, the materialistic physics is
anti-Newtonian. If it be the truth, the physics of the
Principia,
of Copernicus and Kepler, is exploded. Matter has the properties of mind,
namely, self-motion and self-direction. If the molecular force, in the words
of Virchow, “emerges out of the usual course of its motion into special
chemico-organic combinations and, after having for a time continued therein,
returns again to the general modes of inorganic motion,” this is a
self-motion and self-direction as real as any act of the human will. And
what is still more important than this antihistorical attitude, this physics
has and can have no mathematics to support it. It is wholly disconnected
from calculus. Yet it ought to have a mathematical basis, if it be indeed
true that vital and voluntary forces are mechanical. Whatever is mechanical
is subject to laws that can be expressed mathematically. But no vital or
voluntary force can be formulated algebraically. The vital action of a plant
or an animal, the volitions of the human will, the feelings of the human
heart, the thoughts of the human intellect cannot like the fall of an apple
or the rise of a fluid in a vacuum be expressed in mathematical terms. The
absence of a mathematics for the materialistic physics demonstrates its
spuriousness.38
(See supplement 3.7.7.)
The first objection to this theory is that mechanical
motion obeys an invariable law and is incompatible with such varieties of
motion as the theory requires. All observation shows that a material force
left to itself never varies in any particular. Gravity never alters its
direction, sidewise or upward. It is forever downward. And it never alters
the rate of its velocity. Matter is marked in its motion by fixed necessity
and immutability. To attribute a power of selection and of variability to it
is to introduce imagination into science. The materialistic physics is as
fanciful as that of the Middle Ages, which explained phenomena by the action
of fairies and spirits. What is the difference between saying that a
molecule moves of itself and “selects” the velocity and direction of its own
motion and saying that the molecules of a gas rise and float on a sylph of
the air and those of a mineral fall and sink in a gnome of the mine. The
machinery of the Haeckel-Huxley physics is as fanciful as that of Pope’s
Rape of the Lock.39
Theorists of this school feel the difficulty and invent
expedients for explaining how “selected” changes and varieties can occur
within an immutable sphere like that of matter. Strauss, for example (Old
and New Faith, 199), suggests that an adequate
cause for such peculiar modes of motion among atoms “might exist in the
conditions, the temperature, the atmospheric combinations of primeval times,
so utterly different from ours.” But these themselves are all material
causes. “Atmospheric combinations” are combinations of molecules, and why
the “primeval” combinations should be “so utterly different from ours” is
one of the difficulties to be explained and cannot therefore be introduced
to explain a difficulty.
Another objection to the theory that explains all
phenomena by matter and mechanical motion is that material motion is not
perpetual. It gradually and surely exhausts itself. If observation and
experiment have settled anything in physics, it is that the perpetual motion
of matter by reason of a force inherent in matter is impossible. Friction
finally brings moving matter to a rest. It may require millions of years to
do it, but it will certainly be done. The motion of the bodies in the solar
system approaches as nearly as anything does to perpetual motion. But the
planets, says Newton, are marked by certain “small irregularities which
appear to come from the mutual action of the planets and comets and which
will probably become greater and greater in the course of time, until at
last the system will again require its author to put it in order” (“Solar
System” in Penny Cyclopaedia;
Whewell, Astronomy and Physics
2.7–12). It is true that these irregularities caused by planetary and
cometary attraction are very slight, because the great attraction of the
vast mass of the sun overmasters and nullifies to a great extent. Still
there is a disturbing element after all. Lagrange and Poisson have
mathematically demonstrated the great stability of the solar system, but not
its endless immutability (Foreign Quarterly
Review 3.138). (See supplement 3.7.8.)
But this is not the whole difficulty. There is a positive
resistance to the motion of the heavenly masses from the medium through
which they pass. If this medium were as dense as atmospheric air, the motion
would soon come to an end, unless reinforced ab
extra.40
It is not atmospheric air, but the so-called ether. Says a writer in the
Penny Cyclopaedia
(“Solar System”):
It has become highly probable that
an external cause does exist which must, unless there be a counteracting
force of which we know nothing, in time cause the destruction of the solar
system. If the planets move in any medium which resists these motions,
however little, the consequence must be a gradual diminution of their mean
distances from the sun, and a gradual increase of their velocities, ending
in their absolutely falling into the sun.41
The doctrine of the “correlation of forces” does not
relieve the difficulty, in respect to perpetual motion. The forces of nature
may be correlated to each other, that is, convertible into one another, and
yet be diminishing in amount. That all material forces may be found,
ultimately, to be but one material force, is not incredible. Physical
investigations tend to this view. But this fact, even if established, would
not prove that the sum total of this one material force is suffering no loss
from millennium to millennium. Five forms of anything might be demonstrated
to be but one and the same thing, but this would not prove anything
respecting the quantity of being at any one time in this thing. This fact
seems to be seen by the theorist, and an attempt is made to conceal it by
calling the “correlation of forces,” the “conservation of force,” or energy.
Conservation is a different conception from correlation and a stronger term.
The “conservation of energy” may mean that in the transmutation of one force
into another the whole of the primary form is conserved in the second form;
or it may mean that only a part of it is conserved. Which of the two is the
fact is the question in dispute.
The “correlation of forces” really amounts only to the
analysis of force. Whether the sum total of material force in the universe
be greater or smaller cannot be determined unless the analysis demonstrates
that the quantity remains unchanged under all the different forms which
material force assumes. The motion of a cannonball is preceded by a certain
amount of heat from ignited gunpowder and is followed by a certain amount of
heat in the iron plate which it strikes. But no experiment thus far made has
demonstrated that the amount of heat is mathematically the same in the
second instance that it was in the first, that the heat in the iron plate is
exactly equal to the heat in the gunpowder. Heat is converted into motion,
and motion reconverted into heat. Here is correlation of forces. One force
is convertible into another. And here also is conservation of force. But how
much conservation is the question. How much of the heat in the powder is
conserved in the heat of the iron plate remains to be shown. Before we can
say that there has been absolutely no loss of material force in these
transmutations, it must be demonstrated mathematically. No experiment is
nice or delicate enough to establish it. At this point calculus should come
in, as it always has in the historical physics at points when sensible
experiments fail.42
But, as yet, there is no mathematics for the new physics. A German
investigator, Clausius, claims to have proved mathematically that motion
when converted into heat is a mathematical equivalent, but that heat when
converted into motion is not. There is, he says, some loss of motion in
every instance in which heat is converted into motion. The final result,
consequently, if there is no interference ab extra,43
will be that motion will gradually diminish in the universe and finally
cease; and heat or temperature will be uniform (Gardiner,
Bibliotheca sacra, Jan. 1881).
This lack of demonstration is acknowledged by Balfour
Stewart. He remarks (Conservation of Energy,
8) that
we have the strongest possible
evidence for the assertion, that all the various energies in the universe
are a constant quantity, which the nature of the case admits. The assertion
is, in truth, a peculiar one; peculiar in its magnitude, in its
universality, in the subtle nature of the agents with which it deals. If
true, its truth certainly cannot be proved after the manner in which we
prove a proposition in Euclid. Nor does it admit a proof so rigid as that of
the somewhat analogous principle of the conservation of matter; for in
chemistry we may confine the products of our chemical combination so as to
completely prove, beyond a doubt, that no heavy matter passes out of
existence.
Stewart then gives some indirect proofs which, he
contends, make the position probable.
Another objection to the theory that mechanical and vital
forces are identical is the fact that mechanical forces never originate
varieties, while the vegetable and animal kingdoms are full of them. In
inorganic nature, there is no deviation from the typical form. Crystals are
rigorously confined to their order. No new varieties arise. Gold and copper
always crystallize in a cube; bismuth and antimony in a hexagon; iodine and
sulfur in a rhomb. But flowers are not thus rigorously confined to their
type. A white flower, in some individuals, shows a reddish tint. This is a
so-called accidental variety. If seeds be taken from it, its offspring will
be redder yet. In this way, a new variety is artificially produced. But this
cannot be done with a crystal. The geometrical form here is produced by a
mechanical and inorganic, not a vital force; and it is unchangeable. There
is no “accidental variety” of a crystal. No such alterations of typical form
can be artificially produced in this inorganic province. A crystal can be
produced artificially by chemical action, as well as by the natural action
of mechanical forces. But in this case too, there can be no variation from
the type. This proves a difference in kind between the inorganic and
organic; the chemical and the vital.
A fourth objection to the hypothesis of the variation of
mechanical motion is found in the immutability of the molecule. Maxwell,
professor of Physics at Cambridge, in an address before the British
Association, remarked as follows:
A molecule of hydrogen, whether on
earth, in Sirius or Arcturus, executes its vibrations in the same time. No
theory of evolution can be formed to account for this identity of molecules;
for evolution implies continual change, and the molecule is incapable of
growth or decay, of generation or destruction. None of the processes of
nature have produced the slightest difference in the properties of any
molecule. We are, therefore, unable to ascribe either the existence of the
molecules, or the identity of their properties, to any of the causes we call
natural. On the other hand, the exact equality of each molecule to all
others of the same kind gives it, as John Herschel has well said, the
essential character of a manufactured article and precludes the notion of
its being eternal and self-existent. Though in the course of ages
catastrophes have occurred, and may yet occur, in the heavens; though
ancient systems may be dissolved, and new ones constructed out of their
ruins, the molecules out of which these systems are built, the foundation
stones of the material universe, remain unbroken and unworn. They continue
this day as they were created, perfect in number, and measure, and weight;
and from the ineffaceable characters impressed upon them, we may learn that
those aspirations after accuracy in measurement, and justice in action,
which we reckon among our noblest attributes as men, are ours because they
are the essential qualities
of him who, in the beginning created not only the heaven and earth, but the
materials of which heaven and earth consist.
Theory of Evolution vs.
Creation Ex Nihilo
The second theory antagonistic to the doctrine of
creation ex nihilo
is that of pseudoevolution. There is a true and a false theory of evolution.
The former defines evolution to be simply “the transformation of the
homogeneous”; the latter defines it to be the “transformation
[transmutation] of the homogeneous into the heterogeneous.” This is
Spencer’s definition adopted from von Baer. The two definitions and the two
theories are direct contraries and contradictories. Evolution in the
historical physics of Linnaeus, Cuvier, Hunter, Blumenbach, and Agassiz
wholly excludes the heterogeneous. It is the same substance in kind under
new forms. A vegetable seed evolves or develops into a root and stalk; but
the root and stalk are still vegetable. They are still homogeneous with the
seed. A vegetable bud, again, becomes a flower, and the flower becomes
fruit; but both flower and fruit are still homogeneous with the vegetable
substance of the bud; they are vegetable. If anything mineral or animal,
anything heterogeneous, should appear in this evolution of the seed and the
bud, this would prove that it was no evolution. But pseudoevolution
postulates what true evolution denies, namely, that homogeneous substance
transmutes itself into heterogeneous. It asserts that a homogeneous mineral,
by intrinsic force, slowly, by infinitesimal degrees, converts itself into a
heterogeneous vegetable. Evolution is thus not a mere change of form, but of
matter. As this assertion is not supported by proof, it is surreptitiously
introduced into a preliminary definition which the opposing party is
expected to accept. But this is begging the question in dispute. The
question is whether homogeneous substance ever does or can change itself
into heterogeneous substance (Shedd,
Theological Essays, 133–37, 154–67). (See
supplement 3.7.9.)
According to this theory of evolution, all the kingdoms
of nature issue out of each other without any intervening creative agency.
The fiats in the Mosaic account are denied. The homogeneous mineral develops
into the heterogeneous vegetable; the homogeneous vegetable into the
heterogeneous animal; the homogeneous animal into the heterogeneous man. The
doctrine is applied through the entire scale of existence. Vegetable life
issues from the lifeless mineral. Sentient and conscious life evolves from
the insentient and unconscious plant. Rational and moral life develops from
an animal and brutal life that is utterly destitute of reason and morality.
This accounts for and explains the universe of being. In each of these
instances, the homogeneous substance is transmuted into the heterogeneous by
purely material laws and causes. There is no rational act of an intelligent
and personal Creator when the animal kingdom supervenes upon the vegetable
or when the rational kingdom supervenes upon the animal. Impersonal,
unintelligent, and unconscious evolution accounts for all varieties of
being.
Several methods of explanation have been proposed.
Lamarck explained by habit. The giraffe at first had a short neck. The habit
of reaching up for the leaves of trees when the grass failed lengthened the
neck. The frog’s foot and that of the goose was at first without web. The
attempt to swim finally produced it. When the long neck and the webfoot were
thus produced, they were propagated, and a new species was the result. St.
Hilaire explained by circumstances. Somehow or other the atmosphere lost
carbon, and the proportion of oxygen was increased. This made the breathing
quicker; this heated the blood; this made the nerves and muscles more
active; this changed the scales of reptiles into feathers; and thus the
reptile was transformed into the bird. This scheme, just now, is revived in
that of “creation by environment.”
The first objection to the theory of pseudoevolution is
that it is contradicted by the whole course of scientific observation and
experiment. It is a theory in the face of the facts. “Darwinism,” says
Agassiz (On Classification),
“is an a priori
conception” and “a burlesque of facts.” It “shuts out almost the whole mass
of acquired knowledge, in order to retain and use only that which may serve
its purpose.” Quatrefages (Human Species
1.1) asserts that
to attempt, under any pretext
whatever, to confound the inorganic with the organic, is to go in direct
opposition to all the progress made for more than a century, and especially
during the last few years, in physics, chemistry, and physiology. It is
inexplicable to me that some men, whose merits I otherwise acknowledge,
should have recently again compared crystals to the simplest living forms:
to the sarcodic organisms, as they are called by Du Jardin who discovered
them. A change of name is useless; the things remain the same, and
protoplasm has the same properties as sarcode. The animals whose entire
substance they seem to form have not altered their nature; whether monera or
amoebas, these forms are the antipodes of the crystal from every point of
view.
“No conceivable combinations,” says Roget (Physiology
2.582), “of mechanical or of chemical powers bear the slightest resemblance
or the most remote analogy to organic reproduction or can afford the least
clue to the solution of this dark enigma” (Foreign
Quarterly Review 3.189–96).
No naturalist has ever discovered an instance of the
transmutation of species. Varieties under a species have been seen to be
changed into other varieties. Darwin shows how pigeons may be made to vary
from pigeons, but not how pigeons can be evolved into the horse. No observer
has furnished even a scintilla of proof that the vital develops from the
nonvital. It is an axiom older than Aristotle and always accepted in the
historical physics that “every animal comes from an egg.”44
Life supposes life. The living individual issues only from the living germ.
A material molecule never transmutes itself into a vegetable germ. A mustard
seed is never changed into the egg of animal life. A grain of wheat may be
kept in a mummy for three thousand years, and upon being cast into the
ground it will begin to sprout. A true evolution of this vegetable seed
immediately begins. But no natural or artificial force can cause a diamond
to bud and blossom, can transmute this homogeneous mineral into a
heterogeneous vegetable. The vast geological ages which the theorist brings
in do not help his theory. A force of nature is no stronger in a million
years than it is in a hundred. What gravitation cannot do in a century it
cannot do in a hundred centuries. A mechanical force is fixed. It does not
increase with the lapse of time. Rousseau (Dictionnaire
botanique) thus speaks of the
nouvelle physique of his day,
which confounded the mineral, vegetable, and animal kingdoms and maintained
that “minerals live, and vegetables feel”: “I have often seen a tree die
which before had been full of life; but the death of a stone is an idea that
would never enter my mind. I see exquisite feeling in a dog, but never saw
it in a cabbage. The paradoxes of Jean-Jacques are very celebrated, but I
never advanced anything so absurd as this.” (See supplement 3.7.10.)
The experimental and scientific evidence for the
transmutation of substance is so deficient that only enthusiasts like
Haeckel, Huxley, and Maudsley venture to maintain the evolution of the
organic from the inorganic. Darwin confines the transmutation of substance
to the organic world. He postulates life, primarily given by the Creator. “I
imagine,” he says in phraseology that is curiously unscientific: “I imagine
that probably all organic beings that ever lived on this earth descended
from some primitive form, which was first called into being by the Creator.”
In the Origin of Species
(577) he speaks of “the breathing of life, by the Creator, into a few forms,
or into one.” He does not assert that the mollusk can be developed from
inorganic molecules; though he maintains that man may be evolved from the
mollusk. While he bridges by evolution the chasm between the oyster and man,
he lets it stand between the mineral and the oyster. His work upon
insectivorous animals looks like an attempt to prove that animal life can be
developed from vegetable, but he makes no distinct statement to this effect.
That this spurious theory of evolution is contradicted by
the general course of physical experiment and observation is proved by its
failure to obtain general currency. Lamarck did not supersede Linnaeus.
Eminent microscopists like Ehrenberg and Spallanzani demonstrated that the
infusoria which Lamarck asserted to be vegetable were animal (Kirby,
On Animals 1.4). St.
Hilaire made no impression upon the established zoology of Cuvier, so that
to this day French physics is even more unanimous than either German or
English in affirming an impassable limit between the kingdoms of nature. In
Germany, Kepler, Leibnitz, Kant, Haller, and Blumenbach are greater names in
physical science than Goethe, Oken, Haeckel, and Büchner. In England, the
physics of Newton, Linnaeus, Hunter, Cuvier, Faraday, Whewell, Herschel,
Agassiz, Guyot, and Dana influences the educated and disciplined intellect
of the nation far more than do the speculations of Darwin, Huxley, and
Tyndall. Haeckel (Creation
1.34) mentions it as a discouraging sign that the views of Linnaeus, Cuvier,
and Agassiz are adopted by “the great majority of both scientific and
unscientific men” and that “the majority of French naturalists are the blind
followers of Cuvier.” He adds that “in no country has Darwin’s doctrine had
so little effect as in France.”
The opinions of Kant are entitled to great respect, for
he began his remarkable philosophical career with the metaphysics of
mathematics. He investigated inorganic nature before he investigated mind,
and his attitude is firm in reference to theism and the doctrine of creation
ex nihilo. In his
Critique of the Judgment
(§§74-79), while maintaining that the inorganic world is explainable by
mechanical forces and laws, he is explicit in saying that these forces and
laws themselves have a teleological character. They imply a designing mind
beyond them. He holds that theism and creation ex
nihilo are the truth and rejects the hylozoism
of Spinoza and of atheism. Respecting the possibility of the evolution of
the organic from the inorganic, he remarks that “it is absurd even to think
of explaining organized creatures and their potentialities by purely
mechanical principles, or to expect that a Newton will one day arise who
will be able to explain the production of a blade of grass, according to a
law ordained by no designing intelligence.” “Give me,” he said, “inorganic
matter, and I will explain the formation of an inorganic world.” But he
denied that it can be said, “Give me inorganic matter, and I will explain
the production of a caterpillar” (this latter remark is quoted by Strauss,
Old Faith, 196).
(See supplement 3.7.11.)
Physical science can perhaps explain the formation of the
solar system by the nebular hypothesis, but not the creation of it. For this
hypothesis supposes a nebulous matter with its inherent force of gravity and
other forces to be already in existence. Unless this postulate of fire mist
and the attraction of gravitation, cohesion, etc., is granted, it cannot
account for the solar system. The question immediately arises: “Whence is
this fire mist with its properties?” If this is the origin of the solar
system, what is the origin of this origin? If this is the explanation of the
material universe, what is the explanation of this explanation? The nebular
hypothesis may be a correct generalization from observed facts and have its
place in the system of physics, but it cannot be a substitute for the first
cause. The words of Whewell, respecting the nebular hypothesis, are true and
forcible:
Let it be supposed that the point
to which this hypothesis leads us is the ultimate point of physical science;
that the farthest glimpse we can obtain of the material universe by our
natural faculties, shows it to us as occupied by a boundless abyss of
luminous matter; still we ask, how space came to be thus occupied, how
matter came to be thus luminous? If we establish by physical proofs that the
first fact that can be traced in the history of the world is that “there was
light,” we shall still be led, even by our natural reason, to suppose that
before this could occur, “God said, Let there be light.” (Astronomy
and General Physics
2.7)
Since there is no proof of the theory of pseudoevolution
from the past results of scientific inquiry, its advocates when called upon
for the demonstration betake themselves either to an
a priori method or else to
prophecy. Haeckel, for example (Creation
1.169), replies in the following manner to the assertion of the opponent
that the theory is a hypothesis which is yet to be proved: “That this
assertion is completely unfounded may be perceived even from the outlines of
the doctrine of selection.” But the “outlines of a doctrine” are the
doctrine itself; and the doctrine itself cannot be the proof of the doctrine
unless it be a priori
and axiomatic in its nature. And this characteristic Haeckel actually claims
for his theory of evolution in the following terms: “The origin of new
species by natural selection, by the interaction of inheritance and
adaptation, is a mathematical necessity of nature which needs no further
proof. Whoever, in spite of the present state of our knowledge, still seeks
for proofs of the theory of selection, only shows that he does not
thoroughly understand the theory.” Haeckel, here, makes short work with the
whole subject, by claiming an a priori
necessity for the theory of pseudoevolution. Of course, if this be so,
experiment and observed facts are not to be demanded. But such a claim for a
science that professes to rest upon experiment and observation and not upon
a priori grounds is
of a piece with Haeckel’s assertion (Creation,
2) that a posteriori
knowledge, by means of use and habit, can be transmuted into
a priori knowledge; in other
words, that a truth of experience becomes axiomatic when the experience is
long continued—a notion similar to that mentioned by Coleridge “that a
weathercock may form a habit of turning to the east, from the wind having
been a long time in that quarter” (Works
3.227).
Respecting spontaneous generation, Haeckel (Creation
1.340–41) remarks that
experiments on autogeny have
furnished no certain and positive results. Yet we must protest against the
notion that these experiments have proved the impossibility of spontaneous
generation. The impossibility of such a process can, in fact, never be
proved. For how can we know that in remote primeval times there did not
exist conditions quite different from those at present obtaining, which may
have rendered spontaneous generation possible?
By such reasoning as this, any hypothesis whatever may be
proved. Haeckel (Creation
1.335) explains vital growth by chemical action thus: “A crystal grows by
the apposition of particle upon particle; a plant grows by the
intussusception of particle into particle. The fluidity of the albuminous
carbon, in the instance of the plant, permits this penetration, so that the
addition is not mere accretion upon the outside or addition of surface to
surface.” But why does a chemical force act so differently from a vital one?
A salt in solution is as much a fluid as the albumen; but it yields a
crystal instead of a plant. If the chemical and the vital are really one and
the same mechanical force, why this diversity? A really mechanical force
acts in only one way. The force of gravity does not sometimes lift bodies
and sometimes cause them to fall.
As an example of the employment of prophecy in support of
the theory of pseudoevolution, consider the following remark of Haeckel (Creation
1.32) respecting the production of albumen by a chemical process—thus far
found to be impossible: “At some future time, we shall succeed in
discovering, in the composition of albuminous matter, certain molecular
relations as the remoter causes of these phenomena of life.” There is no
logic against prophecy. Seers and soothsayers have an advantage over
ordinary investigators, who have nothing but their understandings to work
with.45
Second, the examples adduced by the advocate of
pseudoevolution do not prove that species develops from species, but only
that varieties develop from species—which no one denies.46
Haeckel shows that many varieties of sponges spring from the one species
olynthus. But the difference between sponge and sponge is not the same as
that between mineral and plant or between plant and animal. When one kind of
sponge is transformed into another kind of sponge, this is not the
transmutation of a homogenous substance into a heterogeneous. This does not
answer to Spencer’s definition of evolution, if the definition is to be
taken as it reads. If the sponge should develop into the rose, or the rose
into the worm, this would answer the definition. But nothing approaching to
such a mortal leap as this is seen in nature. Darwin makes it seem probable
that all varieties of pigeons may have sprung from one original pair of
pigeons—say the blue rock pigeon; but this does not prove that the pigeon
sprang from a fish, still less from a cabbage, and still less from a bit of
granite.
Virchow, in an address at Munich, said that two doctrines
are not yet proved, but are hypotheses still: (1) spontaneous generation of
living from inorganic matter and (2) the descent of man from some nonhuman
vertebrate animal. We may expect, he says, that these will hereafter be
proved, but meanwhile must not teach them as scientific facts (Nineteenth
Century, April 1878). Gray, though accepting
the Darwinian theory of evolution as “fairly probable,” asserts that it is a
“complex and loose hypothesis, less probable than the nebular hypothesis or
the kinetic theory of gases” (New York Times,
6–7 Feb. 1880).
Third, if the doctrine of pseudoevolution be true, it
should be supported, like that of gravitation, by a multitude of undisputed
facts and phenomena. A law of nature—and this kind of evolution is claimed
to be such, even the law of laws47—is
a uniform and universal thing. The hypothesis of gravitation is not
supported by a few doubtful and disputed facts, like those which are cited
in proof of spontaneous generation. If there were really such a transition
by development from the inorganic to the organic, from the vegetable to the
animal, and from the animal to the rational, as is asserted, the process
ought to be going on all the time and all around us in nature and before the
eyes of everyone. A real and actual law of nature cannot be put under a
bushel. The theorist should have millions of examples to show. But as yet he
has not a single example. Darwin’s pigeons, after all his efforts to
transform them into another species, are pigeons still. Said Ambrose (Hexaemeron
3.10), “When wheat degenerates, it does not cease to be wheat; there is no
alteration of species: ‘It would seem that it ought to be attributed to a
certain degeneration of the seed, not to a transformation of kind.’ ”48
Fourth, the well-known fact that hybrids between real
species are infertile proves that there is no transmutation of species. A
hybrid is an artificial, not a natural product. When man attempts to
originate a new species by crossing breeds, as in the case of the horse and
ass, he is working against nature and fails. “Domestication,” says Agassiz (Animal
Life, 51), “never produces forms which are
self-perpetuating and is therefore in no way an index of the process by
which species are produced.” Quatrefages (Human
Species 1.6–9) takes the same view. Haeckel (Creation
1.45) mentions as hybrids that can be propagated some between hares and
rabbits and between different varieties of dog. Also of plants the willow,
the thistle, and the mullein, he says, are hybrids. But hares and rabbits
are varieties of the same species; and, as Macbeth says, “Hounds and
greyhounds, mongrels, spaniels, curs, shoughs, waterrugs, and demiwolves are
cleped all by the name of dogs.” A true species is self-perpetuating. Says
Dana: “When individuals multiply from generation to generation, it is but a
repetition of the primordial type-idea, and the true notion of the species
is not in the resulting group, but in the idea or potential element which is
the basis of every individual of the group” (Bibliotheca
sacra 1857: 861).
Fifth, this theory of evolution, conflicting as it does
with the invariability of nature in the several kingdoms, conflicts also
with the certainty of natural science. There can be no fixed laws of
operation upon this scheme. Anything may originate out of anything. There is
no certainty that mineral substance will always be mineral, for it may
become vegetable substance. It is not certain that a vegetable species will
always remain vegetable, for it may be transmuted into an animal species.
Chance rules in nature, not invariable law. And the transmutation of
substance may descend as well as ascend. Man may evolve into ape, as well as
ape into man. As an example of the haphazard that is introduced into
physical science by this theory, take its explanation of the origin of the
eye as an organ of vision. Once there was no such organ in existence. It
came into being in the following manner. A certain piece of nervous tissue
happened in the lapse of ages to become sensitive to light; then, after
another lapse of time, a transparent tissue happened to be formed over it;
then, after other ages, a fluid happened to be formed which increased in
density and adaptedness to vision; and thus changes at haphazard take place;
and finally we have the eye of an animal.49
The Duke of Argyll exposes the capriciousness of this kind of physics in the
following terms:
Under the modes of applying the
theory of evolution which have become commonplace, it is very easy to
account for everything. We have only to assume some condition opposite to
that which now exists and then to explain the change by showing that the
existing conditions are useful and adapted to existing needs. Do we wish,
for example, to explain why the female pheasant is dull colored? We have
only to assume that once she was gaily colored and became dull by the
gaudier hens being killed off when setting on eggs, and by the duller hens
being saved. Do we wish, on the contrary, to explain the brilliant coloring
of the male pheasant? We have only to make the reverse assumption—that once
they were all dull colored, and that accidental dandies were preserved by
the admiration and the consequent selection of the ladies. In like manner,
the migration of birds is explained by assuming at once upon a time there
were no migratory birds, although there must always have been the same
changing seasons. Then a few birds came to travel a little way, and then a
little farther, and so at last they came to go a great way, and finally the
habit, “organized in the race,” became the migratory instinct. It is curious
that in this and all similar explanations of what are admitted to be now
pure instincts, the theory
demands that the earliest beginnings were more rational than the last
developments; the commencements were more in the nature of intelligent
perception than the final results, which have become the mere mechanical
effect of hereditary habits.
According to the theory of pseudoevolution, there is no
preconceived plan and design by which the origin of living and organized
objects in nature is accounted for. They come wholly by chance. Those
varieties from which new species are claimed to spring are denominated
“accidental.” If a piece of nervous tissue happens to become sensitive to
light, the first step toward the production of the eye of animal life is
taken; otherwise not. And so with the second step, by which a film is drawn
over the sensitive tissue; and so with all the steps. The processes of
nature are entirely fortuitous upon this scheme, and there is nothing
possible but the calculation of chances. No invariable and uniform order of
nature is possible, and therefore no science of nature is possible. Haeckel
(Creation 1.167)
would parry this objection, by the following self-stultifying remark: “The
difference between the two forms of selection is this: In artificial
selection, the will of man makes the selection according to a plan, whereas
in natural selection, the struggle for life (that universal interrelation of
organisms) acts without a plan, but produces quite the same result, namely,
a selection of a particular kind of individual for propagation.” This is
saying that nature’s acting by chance will produce “the same result” that
man’s acting by plan does; and that nature would have the same regularity
and order by the method of chance as by the method of design. (See
supplement 3.7.12.)
Sixth, some evolutionists, for example, Darwin, Wallace,
and Huxley, try to adopt a middle theory. They say that a species may be
originated either by selection or by creation. But the alternative is
impossible. One idea necessarily excludes the other. If a particular being
is intrinsically such that creation ex nihilo
accounts for it, then molecular motion and natural selection cannot and vice
versa. If a thing is intrinsically such that it may be equal to four, it
must be. It may not be equal to five. The ideas of creation and evolution
are as incompatible with each other, as four and five are. Both cannot be
true.
Seventh, the abundant proof of design in nature
overthrows the theory of evolution. This design is executed even in an
extreme manner. The mammary glands on man’s breast and the webfeet of the
upland goose and the frigate bird show that the plan of structure is carried
out with persistence, even when in particular circumstances there is no use
for the organ itself. The symmetry of the species is preserved. Nature is
punctilious in respect to design. Even in the deformed and irregular
products of nature, the same respect for plan is observed. There is design
in these. In a misgrowth of a vegetable, matter is organized methodically.
It is not thrown together at haphazard, as in a kaleidoscope. Holberg’s (Memoirs,
196) anecdote of the priest and the humpback will apply here. The priest had
said in his sermon that everything which God makes is well made. “Look at
me,” said a humpback, “Am I well made?” The priest looked at him, and
replied that he was well made for a humpbacked man. The priest was wiser
than he knew, and his answer had truth in it, as well as wit. The humpback
was built upon the plan of a man, not of a dog. (See supplement 3.7.13.)
The theory of development is valid when properly applied.
Take, for example, Linnaeus’s arrangement of the
genus felis: felis
domestica (common cat),
felis catus (wild cat),
felis pardus (leopard),
felis onca (jaguar),
felis tigris
(tiger), felis leo
(lion). These six species of the one genus, as Linnaeus uses terms, may be
developed from one original type. The same may be said also of the seven
species of the one genus pinus50
in the vegetable kingdom. But according to Linnaeus,
felis could not develop from
equus;51
nor pinus from
pirus.52
Species should not be multiplied or the creative act be
introduced extravagantly often. The biblical phrases
let the earth bring forth
and let the waters bring forth
imply that within the several kingdoms, after they have been established by
creative power, much may then have been done in the production of varieties
(not species) by the law of evolution impressed upon each kingdom. There is
no objection to tracing all varieties of pigeon to one original, say the
blue rock pigeon, as Darwin does, or all varieties of rabbit to one original
type. John Hunter held that “the true distinction between different species
of animals must ultimately be gathered from their incapacity of propagating
with each other an offspring capable again of continuing itself by
subsequent propagation.” Hunter wrote a tract entitled “Observations Tending
to Show That the Wolf, Jackal, and Dog are All of the Same Species.”
It should be understood, moreover, how terms are
employed. If “genus” is the base, then “species” are the divisions. If
“species” is the base, then “varieties” are the divisions. In the first
case, species can come from species; in the second, not (Quatrefages,
Human Species 1.3). Dana
defines a species as the “unit” in the organic world. Morton defines it as a
“primordial organic form.” The criteria of a species are (1) permanent
fecundity; (2) sameness of external form (animals with teeth for eating
flesh belong to a different species from those having teeth for eating
vegetable food; animals with webbed feet are not of the same species with
those having feet without a web); and (3) sameness of internal structure
shown in habits and instincts. Of these three, the first is the surest
criterion. The other two are less certain. Two animals of great similarity
in external structure may be of wholly different species—for example, the
ape and man. Hence all three criteria must be combined.
A plausible argument for the development of man from
lower animals is derived from a comparison of the embryo of man at four
weeks with that of the chick, or at eight weeks with that of the dog. There
is a great similarity. The evolutionist asks: “Is it any more improbable
that man should develop from the ape than that a Plato or a Shakespeare
should develop from an embryo so like the dog’s embryo?” It certainly is not
any more improbable, upon the supposition that the human embryo contains
nothing but what is in that of the chick or the dog. But if the human embryo
contains, over and above the physical elements, a rational and spiritual
principle; if this embryo be a synthesis of mind and matter and not mere
matter, then it is more probable that a Plato will come from it than from
the canine embryo. This kind of argument proves too much. For not only the
embryo, but the newborn babe itself has little more in its external
appearance to suggest the career of a Newton or an Aristotle than a newborn
dog has. The wailing unconsciousness of the one is as far from science and
philosophy as the yelping unconsciousness of the other. But the babe
possesses along with physical qualities the “image of God,” namely, a
rational soul, while the dog has only an animal soul. There is an invisible
rational principle in one that is not in the other. The maxim “judge not by
the outward appearance” has full force here.
Resemblance in corporeal form has been overestimated.
Similarity in the visible and material structure does not necessarily prove
similarity in the invisible and mental structure. It is conceivable that a
creature might be produced whose anatomy might be entirely like that of man
and yet have no human as distinguished from brutal traits. The idiot is an
example. A human body with only an animal soul would look like a man, but
would be as far from man as is an ox. The gorilla is nearer to man in
physical structure than is a dog; but he is not so near to man in respect to
sagacity, affection, and other manlike traits. The monkey species is not so
intelligent as the canine species. The elephant is nearer to man in respect
to mental traits than is the gorilla, but his anatomy is farther off. The
ant and bee have more intelligence than many animals have, yet are entirely
destitute of brain. Naturalists notice that the period of infancy in man is
much longer than in the brute. This is because there is a rational soul in
the one and not in the other, which unfolds more slowly than a physical
organism does. The animal takes care of itself in infancy; but the infant
man must be taken care of. For example, the young calf, of itself, finds its
nourishment from the dam; but the babe must be put to the breast of the
mother. The latter if left to itself would die; but the former would not.
Antiquity of Man
Respecting the time when man was created and his
antiquity, the narrative in Genesis teaches that he is the last in the
series of creations and that the Creator rested from creation
ex nihilo after the
origination of the human species.53
While minerals, vegetables, and irrational animals, according to Genesis,
may be referred back to a long duration in the first five days, man cannot
be referred to any but the sixth day and to the “morning” or last part of
that. From six to eight thousand years is the period during which the human
species has existed. The Septuagint gives fifteen hundred years more from
the creation of man than the Hebrew text. The Christian fathers generally
adopted the Septuagint chronology. Theophilus of Antioch (To
Autolycus 24–25, 28) makes the Scriptures to
give 5,698 years from the creation of man to the death of the emperor
Aurelius Verus in a.d. 69.
Julius Africanus (230), the earliest Christian chronologist, dates the
creation to 5499 b.c.
Eusebius, Jerome, and Bede reckon 2,242 years between Adam and the
deluge—following the Septuagint. The Hebrew text gives 1,656 years.
Augustine (City of God
15.20) says: “From Adam to the deluge, there are reckoned according to our
copies of the Scripture 2,262 years and according to the Hebrew text 1,656
years” (cf. City of God
20.7). Hales (Chronology
1.273–303) and Clinton (Fasti hellenici
1.283–301) defend the Septuagint chronology (see “Introduction to Jeremiah”
in Speaker’s Commentary,
323–26, where Payne Smith favors the Septuagint recension). Murphy (On
Genesis, 196) defends the Hebrew chronology.
The Samaritan text gives only 1,307 years between the creation and the
deluge. Desvignoles, in the preface to his
Chronology, says that he has collected above
two hundred calculations, of which the longest makes the time between the
creation and the incarnation to have been 6,984 years and the shortest 3,483
years. (See supplement 3.7.14.)
Extravagant statements respecting the great antiquity of
man are not found in the Greek and Roman literatures. Plato (Laws
2.656; 3.676) speaks of “ten thousand years ago” and “thousands and
thousands of cities.” But this is indefinite description; and the first
instance relates to Egypt. Mythical and fabulous representations appear in
the Egyptian and Hindu traditions. The Egyptian priests told Herodotus that
they possessed a history going back 11,340 years; and they also told him
that during this period the sun had four times altered its regular course,
having been twice observed to rise in the west and to set in the east (cf.
Spenser’s Faery Queen
5). The zodiac of Denderah, according to Dupuis, went back 15,000 years. The
astronomer Delambre thought it to be later than the time of Alexander; and
Biot demonstrated that it represented the state of the heavens in 700
b.c. Furthermore, it was
discovered in an Egyptian temple that proved to have been built during Roman
rule (Pouchet,
Universe, 610). The conclusions of Lepsius
from the monuments of Egypt make that civilization 20,000 years old. But the
dates on the Babylonian and Assyrian tablets disprove this chronology. Even
if it be conceded that Egypt is older than Assyria, it cannot be so
immensely older.
Smith (Assyrian Discoveries,
51) gives 1850 b.c. as the
date for Assur, the first capital of Assyria, and 1350
b.c. for Nineveh, the second
capital. He makes Babylon “the capital of the whole country” in the
sixteenth century b.c. “The
enormous reigns ascribed by Berosus of Babylon to his ten kings, making a
total of 432,000 years, force us to discard the idea that the details are
historical” (Smith, Chaldean Genesis,
307). This scholar thinks the representation of ancient authors that the
walls of Babylon were from forty to sixty miles in circumference to be an
exaggeration and infers from the ruins that they were “about eight miles
around, making Babylon nearly the same size with Nineveh.” He believes that
the Babylonian records “reach to the 24th century
b.c.,” adding that “some
scholars are of opinion that they stretch nearly 2,000 years beyond that
time.” The oldest date assigned by Smith is 2500
b.c. He places the early
Babylonian monarchy 2500–1500 b.c.
and refers the Izdubar (Nimrod) legends to 2000
b.c. (Assyrian
Discoveries, 166–67). By the Septuagint
reckoning, according to Theophilus, there would be 887 years from the deluge
to 2500 b.c. and from the
creation to the deluge 2,242 years (“Introduction to Kings” §8 and “Hosea”
in Speaker’s Commentary;
Conder, Syrian Stone Lore).
The Vedas, according to Max Müller (Origin
of Religion, 147), go back to 1000
b.c.; how much earlier is
uncertain. Whitney (Oriental Studies,
21) places them between 1500 b.c.
and 2000 b.c. The Brahmins
asserted that the astronomical tables of India were compiled more than
20,000,000 years ago. But Laplace proved that the calculations had been made
after the alleged events and moreover that they were incorrect (Pouchet,
Universe, 610).
Had man existed 20,000 years upon the globe, its
population would be immensely greater than it is. Remains of ancient cities
would be found all over the planet. But there are only 1.2 billion or 1.4
billion men now on the globe, and remains of cities are found mostly around
the Mediterranean and in Asia. If we go back to the beginning of profane
history (say, to 1000 b.c.),
we find most of the globe uninhabited by man. All of the Western hemisphere,
all of middle and northern Europe, all of northern Asia, all of Africa south
of Sahara, and all of Australia and the islands of the sea were without
human population. At the time of the advent, the majority of the population
of the globe was still gathered about the Mediterranean Sea. Probably there
were not more than 100,000,000 people on the globe, at that date. Man is
very recent upon the American continents. South America has only about
30,000,000 inhabitants. North America at the time of its discovery had but a
handful of men, compared with the vast extent of territory. We cannot assume
an extravagant antiquity for man, because by this time the globe would be
overrunning with population; as we cannot assume an extravagant antiquity
even for the material globe, because by this time it would have parted with
all its caloric and would be stone-cold at the center. The small number of
human bones that have been found, compared with the large number of the
bones of animals, shows that man was of late origin. Were the earth now to
be subjected to earthquake and deluge, human bones would be the most
numerous of any in some of the strata that would be opened a thousand years
hence. Few fossil human bones have been discovered; but there are multitudes
of animal and vegetable fossils. (See supplement 3.7.15.)
Even if the shorter biblical chronology be adopted,
Manetho’s Egyptian chronology might possibly be harmonized with it. The
following is one explanation of it. Placing the flood in 2348
b.c., according to Ussher’s
reckoning, there are 450 years between the flood and the call of Abraham in
1900 b.c. The first twelve
dynasties of Manetho (280 b.c.)
can be placed here, giving 37 years to each dynasty. This would be the Old
Empire of Menes and his successors. The pyramids of Gizeh were built in this
age. There is, however, great difference of opinion. Mariette Bey makes the
Old Empire a period of 2,700 years; Brugsch Bey says 2,400 years; Bunsen
1,076 years (making its beginning 3059
b.c.); Wilkinson and Poole say
650 years, beginning 2700 b.c.
The second period from Abraham to Joseph, 1900–1637
b.c., is that of the Middle
Empire and the Shepherd kings, embracing five dynasties of 52 years each
(Manetho’s dynasties 13–17). According to the Bible, Egypt during this
period had a settled government. Abraham comes into contact with its pharaoh
for the first time (Gen. 12). Rawlinson (Ancient
Egypt 2.22) regards the Middle Empire as
beginning about 1840 b.c. and
terminating about 1640 b.c.
The third period, 1637–1117 b.c.,
includes Egyptian history from Joseph downward, in which the remaining
thirteen of Manetho’s thirty dynasties may be placed. This is the New
Empire, commencing with the eighteenth dynasty. This period includes the
ascendancy of Joseph and of all the pharaohs mentioned in Scripture,
excepting the one contemporary with Abraham (Gen. 12). The 520 years of this
period would give forty years to each dynasty.
The alleged great antiquity of Egypt must be found, if at
all, in the first period of the Old Empire. The data here are in utter
obscurity. “For times anterior to 700
b.c., Egypt has no fixed chronology” (“Manetho” in
Kitto’s Encyclopedia). De
Rougé says that “Manetho’s texts are significantly changed, and the series
of monumental dates is very incomplete.”54
Rawlinson (Ancient Egypt
2.9, 21) says that
the chronological riddle in
respect to early Egypt is insoluble. Manetho’s general scheme, being so
differently reported, is in reality unknown to us; its details, being
frequently contradicted by the monuments, are untrustworthy; and the method
of the scheme, the general principles upon which it was constructed, was so
faulty, that even if we had it before us in its entirety, we could derive
from it no exact or satisfactory chronology. (See
supplement 3.7.16.)
The repopulation of the globe after the deluge presents
no serious difficulty. Population is rapid. According to Malthus, the
increase of the means of subsistence is in arithmetical proportion; that of
population is in geometrical.55
“Every man,” says Blackstone (Commentaries
2.14), “has above one million lineal ancestors, if he reckons back to the
twentieth generation.” Blackstone’s table gives 1,048,576 descendants from a
single pair in the twentieth generation, or 660 years, supposing only two
children to each pair. But supposing four children to each pair, the
twentieth generation would yield a vast population. Petavius, taking only
seven hundred years of the sixteen hundred between the creation and the
deluge and supposing that seven hundred years is the average of patriarchal
life and that twenty children are born to a single pair in each century,
makes the total product 1,347,368,420. The increase is very great in the
last century. The sixth century has 64,000,000; the seventh has twenty times
this: 1,347,368,420. But in every generation, this total number of
descendants is diminished by death. Supposing, continues Petavius, that Noah
and his wife and his three sons and their wives had six children (Gen. 10
mentions sixteen children of Shem, Ham, and Japhet) to each pair and that
this ratio continues to give 12,937,284 descendants in fourteen generations
of thirty-three years each or 462 years. But six children is a low estimate
in view of the longevity of man in this period and the easiness of
subsistence in the simplicity of the East and of early civilization. The
United States census shows that in 250 years, the 20,000 Puritans who
emigrated from England between 1620 and 1640 have now 13,000,000
descendants.
The objections to the biblical account of the origin of
man drawn from varieties of color and of race are not serious. Climatic
influence is very great, especially in a state of barbarism. When man is not
protected from the sun and the elements by the appliances of civilization,
when he is a savage, changes go on very rapidly (see Quatrefages,
Human Species, 7): “The
Portuguese during a 300 years’ residence in India have become as black as
Caffres, yet they form connections among themselves alone, or if they can,
with Europeans” (Heber, Indian Journal,
53–55; Quarterly Review
37.100; see Carpenter, Physiology,
17). (See supplement 3.7.17.)
The argument from languages is strong for the unity of
the race. The oldest form of Sanskrit, the Vedic, strikingly resembles its
next neighbors to the westward: the language of the Avesta called the Zend
and that of the Persian inscriptions. The later form of the Sanskrit has
less resemblance (Whitney, Oriental Studies,
8): “The mutual agreement of the Indo-Germanic or Aryan languages is
complete enough to justify the conclusion that all the nations of this
family of languages are only branches of one great nation, which was settled
in Upper Asia and included the ancestors of the Indians, Persians, Greeks,
Italians, Germans, Slavs, and Celts” (Curtius,
Greece 1.1).
The opinions of scientific zoologists favor the recent
origin of man: “Cuvier does not date the appearance of man farther back than
tradition. According to this illustrious zoologist, the history of the human
race attests that man has not ruled over the surface of the globe for more
than a limited number of years” (Pouchet,
Universe, 609). “Man,” says Quatrefages (Human
Species 2.12.13), “was most certainly in
existence during the quaternary period; has in all probability seen Miocene
(middle tertiary) times and, consequently, the entire Pliocene (later
tertiary) epoch.” As to the question whether man was earlier than this,
Quatrefages says it is possible: “Man is a mammal, and the conditions of
existence sufficient for mammals ought to have been sufficient for him. Man
is intelligent and can protect himself against cold. There is nothing then
impossible in the idea that he should have survived other species of the
same class. But this is a question to be proved by facts. Before we can even
suppose it to be so, we must wait for information from observation”
(152–53). “The discoveries of Bourgeois testify, in my opinion, to the
existence of a tertiary man. But everything seems to show that, as yet, his
representatives were few in number. The quaternary population, on the
contrary, were, at least in distribution, quite as numerous as the life of
the hunter permitted” (177). man is known to us only from a few faint traces
of his industry. Of tertiary man himself, we know nothing. Portions of his
skeleton have been discovered, it has been thought, in France, Switzerland,
and especially in Italy. Closer study has, however, always forced us to
refer to a comparatively much later period these human remains, which at
first sight, were regarded as tertiary” (286). Arcelin makes the age of
quaternary clay 6,750 years. Quatrefages thinks this rather too low and says
that the present geological period goes much farther back than 7,000 to
8,000 years (140). “No facts have as yet been discovered which authorize us
to place the cradle of the human race otherwise than in Asia” (178).
The discovery of human bones and implements in situations
and connections that seem to imply a great antiquity for man is not a
sufficient reason for rejecting the biblical account, owing to the
uncertainty of the data. Human bones found in juxtaposition with the bones
of the cave bear and the elephant are not conclusive. (a) They may not have
been deposited contemporaneously. The action of floods and of violent
convulsions makes it very difficult to say with certainty when deposits were
made or to tell the order in which they occurred. The bear may have laid his
bones in the cave hundreds of years before the man laid his, and yet the two
now be found side by side. When the bones of extinct animals and stone
implements are found together in a gravel bed, who can be certain whether
the gravel was deposited upon them or whether they were deposited upon the
gravel and subsequently mingled and buried under it by earthquakes and
inundations? (b) The now extinct animal may not have been extinct four or
five thousand years ago. He and early man may have been contemporaneous. The
elephant has been found encased in ice in Siberia during the nineteenth
century. It had long hair and was adapted to a cold climate. This specimen
could not have been many thousands of years old (see
Life of Agassiz, 708–10).
(See supplement 3.7.18.)
Agassiz found in the deep waters of the West Indies
“three characteristic genera of sponges from the secondary formation, till
now supposed to be extinct.” He also caught in his dredge “three specimens
of the genus micrestor
of the cretaceous formation, of which no living species had been previously
found.”
Antiquity is fabricated for things that are recent. The
so-called lake dwellings are an instance. Gibbon (Rome,
42) relates that the Bulgarians in the time of Justinian (a.d.
525) lived in lacustrine structures. It is probable that no remains of them
are earlier than the time of Julius Caesar. Herodotus (§5, beginning) speaks
of lake dwellings among a people in Asia Minor in 450
b.c. Robert Gray, an English
traveler, speaks of seeing them in 1794 on the borders of Lake Wallenstadt.
The skeleton discovered at Mentone has all the characteristic marks of the
Ligurian Gaul, who was a man of large skeleton according to Livy’s account
of the Gauls. Livingstone (Last Journal,
442) says that he never found a single flint arrowhead or any other flint
implement in Africa. No flint exists south of the equator, but quartz might
have been used. Iron, he says, was smelted in the remotest ages in Africa.
According to this, the iron age was the earliest.
There is great uncertainty in the conclusions drawn from
the varieties of implements used by men in past ages. Three kinds have been
discovered: (a) rude stone implements, (b) finished stone implements, and
(c) bronze and iron implements. Some theorists give this as the natural
order. Geikie, however (Ice Age,
405), remarks that the difference between the rude flint arrowheads and axes
of Paleolithic men and the polished and finely finished tools of the
Neolithic men is too great to have no intermediate. And yet, no
intermediate, he says, has been found. But may not the bronze implements be
this intermediate? In the history of arts, the cutting of gems did not begin
until after much skill had been acquired in the use of metals; and the
finish of the “elegantly shaped” stone implements is more like that of gem
cutting than like that of the rude Paleolithic implements. May not the
order, consequently, be (1) Paleolithic, (2) bronze, (3) Neolithic instead
of, as the geologist claims, (1) Paleolithic, (2) Neolithic, (3) bronze. It
is difficult to suppose that the polished stone implement could have been
made by the rude stone implement. It requires iron tools. (See supplement
3.7.19.)
Again, the use of rude stone implements is no proof of
the great antiquity of a people. There are tribes of men now on the globe
who are using them. Should these tribes become extinct and their implements
be discovered one thousand years hence, it would be a false inference to
assert that they belonged to a race that lived before Adam. The stone
implement is an index of a particular period in the history of a nation’s
civilization, rather than of its antiquity. A nation may be in its barbarous
state and its stone age at almost any time in the history of the world.
“Neobarbarism,” says Mahaffy (Greece,
16), “means the occurrence in later times of the manners and customs which
generally mark very old and primitive times. Some few things of the kind
survive everywhere; thus in the Irish Island of Arran, a group of famous
savants mistook a stone donkey shed of two years’ standing for the building
of an extinct race of great antiquity. As a matter of fact, the construction
had not changed from the oldest type.” Says Turner (Anglo-Saxons
1.10), “we even now, at this late age, see the Eskimo, the wild Indian, the
Backsettler, and the cultivated Philadelphian existing at the same time in
North America; so did the Egyptian, the Scythian, and the Greek; so did high
polish and rude barbarism at all times appear in disparted but coeval
existence.” A contributor to the public press remarks that
scientific teachers who hold to
the succession of stone, bronze, and iron ages, in the development of early
civilization, have found a peculiarly incorrigible scholar in Dr.
Schliemann. From a very careful study of the store of stone and bronze
weapons and implements treasured in the prehistoric portion of the museum in
Leiden, he has become convinced that the distinction between the different
stone, bronze, and iron ages is purely artificial and imaginary and
concludes that there never was a time, when the earliest inhabitants of
Denmark (from whence the proofs were derived), were totally unacquainted
with bronze or used only unpolished, rude stone weapons and implements.
S U P P L E M E N T S
3.7.1
(see p. 367).
Creation ex nihilo
more than any other metaphysical idea differences and separates the Bible
from all human cosmogonies. All of these latter exclude this idea by their
postulate of an eternal, amorphous, and chaotic matter, which is formed by
the operation of its own intrinsic properties and forces into the universe.
Scripture refers all chaotic matter, with its properties and laws, to a
personal deity who is other than it and before it. The creative power of
God, according to the biblical conception, is as much needed to account for
the forces and laws of material nature as the voluntary power of the
watchmaker is needed to account for the watch. In the case of an artificial
product like a watch, both the working force and the intelligent art by
which it is made are in the artificer. In the case of a natural product like
a tree, both the working force and the formative art by which it is
constructed are in the tree; the watch is manufactured; the tree grows. But
in both cases a Creator other than the watchmaker and the informing
vegetable life is requisite. The watch cannot make the watchmaker; and the
principle of vegetable life cannot make itself. Both artificial and natural
products must therefore ultimately be referred to a first cause, who from
nothing, by an absolutely originating act, creates the artificer who makes
the watch and the vital principle which builds up the tree.
Augustine (Faith
and Creed 2) teaches
the creation of matter ex
nihilo and of matter in
its visible and invisible modes: “You did make the world out of ‘matter
unseen,’ or also ‘without form,’ as some copies give it; yet we are not to
believe that this material of which the universe was made, although it might
be ‘without form’ [chaotic], although it might be ‘unseen,’ whatever might
be the mode of its subsistence, could possibly have subsisted of itself, as
if it were coeternal and coeval with God. For even although the world was
made of some sort of material, this self-same material itself was made of
nothing.”
Neander (History
1.372) directs attention to the radical difference between creation and
evolution or emanation as constituting the difference in kind between the
Christian cosmogony and the pagan or ethic: “Christianity separated entirely
what belongs to the province of religion from what belongs to speculation
and a merely speculative interest. And just by so doing Christianity
preserved religion from the danger of confounding things divine with the
things of this world; the idea of God with that of nature. It directed the
eye of the mind beyond that whole series of the phenomena of the world,
where, in the chain of causes and effects, one thing ever evolves out of
another, to that almighty creative word of God by which the worlds were
framed; so that things which are seen were not made of things which do
appear (Heb.
11:3). The creation was
here apprehended as an incomprehensible fact by the upward gaze of faith,
which rose above the position of the understanding, the faculty which would
derive all things from one another, which would explain everything
[sensuously] and hence denies all immediate [or intuitive] truth. This one
practically important truth the church was for holding fast in the doctrine
of creation from nothing; taking her stand in opposition to the ancient
view, which would condition God’s act of creation by a previously existing
matter; and which, in an anthropopathic manner conceived of him, not as the
free, self-sufficient author of all existence, but as the fashioner of a
material already extent. Gnosticism would not acknowledge any such limits to
speculation. It would explain, clear up to the mental vision, how God is the
source and ground of all existence. It was thus compelled to place in the
essence of God himself a process of development, through which God is the
source and ground of all existence. From overlooking the negative sense of
the doctrine concerning creation from nothing, it was led to oppose against
it the old principle ‘nothing can come out of nothing.’ It substituted in
place of this doctrine the sensuous imageable idea of an efflux of all
existence out of the Supreme Being of the deity. This idea of an emanation
admits being presented under a great variety of images; of an irradiation of
light from an original light; of a development of spiritual powers or ideas
acquiring self-subsistence; of an expression in a series of syllables and
tones, dying away gradually to an echo.”
Pagan cosmogonies postulate a germ
or egg when they explain “creation.” Absolute origination of entity from
nonentity is not only denied, but asserted to be impossible. On this scheme
there is nothing but second causes. The eternal germ is operated upon by
secondary agents and agencies, and the so-called creation is merely the
emanation and evolution of an existing substance. There is no first cause
originating substance itself. Charnock (Power
of God, 419) thus
notices the need of a Creator in order to such an evolution: “Nature, or the
order of second causes, has a vast power; and the sun and the earth bring
forth harvests of corn, but from seed first sown in the earth; were there no
seed in the earth, the power of the earth would be idle and the influence of
the sun insignificant. All the united strength of nature cannot produce the
least thing out of nothing. It may multiply and increase things by the
powerful blessing God gave it at the first erecting of the world, but it
cannot create.” Pagan cosmogonies which account for the universe by
emanation reappear in the modern materialism which accounts for it by
evolution.
3.7.2
(see p. 369).
Spinoza, often and with emphasis, denies that substance can be created. In a
letter to Oldenburg (Letter
2) he says: “In the universe there cannot exist two substances without their
differing utterly in essence. Substance cannot be created. All substance
must be infinite or supremely perfect.” The
assertion that “there cannot be
two substances without their differing utterly in essence” is true. One must
be infinite, and the other finite. But as Spinoza assumes that the postulate
upon which his whole system depends, namely, that there is only one
substance and that infinite, is axiomatic and needs no proof, it follows
from his assumption that there cannot be two substances. Two infinites are
impossible.
3.7.3
(see p. 371).
Howe (Oracles
2.9) thus explains the phrase
heaven and earth
in Gen. 1:1:
“The first and most obvious distribution of the created universe is into
these two heads, matter and mind. This is the distribution in
Col. 1:16:
‘By him were all things made that are in heaven or that are in earth,
visible and invisible.’ We may well enough suppose all matter to be, some
way or other, visible, though there be indeed a finer sort of matter than is
visible to us. [Howe refers here to the invisible material
forces—gravitation, electricity, attraction, etc.—and the invisible physical
principles, namely, vegetable and animal life; see p.157 n.16.] But then
there is the other head of things that are absolutely invisible; as it is
altogether impossible that any sense can perceive a mind or a thought which
is the immediate product of that mind. Some, indeed, will have by ‘heavens’
all intellectual beings that are created to be comprehended and meant; and
by ‘earth,’ all matter whatsoever. We shall not dispute the propriety of
that conjecture or what probability it has or has not; but take what is more
obvious to ourselves. And so, by ‘heaven’ must be understood not only all
the several superior orbs, but all their inhabitants, unto which our own
minds and spirits do originally appertain, as being nearer of kin and more
allied to the world of spirits than they are to this world of flesh and
earth. And then, by ‘earth’ is meant this lower orb, which is replenished
with numerous sorts of creatures with one or another sort of lives; either
that do live an intellectual life or from an intelligent soul as we live; or
else that live a merely sensitive life as all the brutes do; or else that
live a merely vegetable life as the plants do; and then there are inanimate
things that have no proper life at all. Of such extent is this created
universe; it takes in all these several sorts of things.” Pearson (On
the Creed, art. 1)
explains similarly, “The two terms
heaven
and earth
taken together signify the universe or that which is called the world, in
which are contained all things material and immaterial, visible and
invisible. Under the name of ‘heaven and earth’ are comprehended all things
contained in them, which are of two classes. Some were made immediately out
of nothing by a proper creation; and some only mediately, as out of
something formerly made out of nothing by an improper kind of creation. By
the first were made all immaterial substances, all the orders of angels, and
the souls of men, the heavens, and the simple or elemental bodies, as the
earth, the water, and the air. By the second were made all the ‘hosts of
earth’ (Gen.
2:1), the grass and herb
yielding seed, the fowls of the air, and the fishes of the sea: ‘Let the
earth bring forth grass; let the waters bring forth the moving creature that
has life and fowl that may fly above the earth.’ As well may we grant these
plants and animals to have their origination from such principles [namely,
earth, water, and air] when we read, ‘God formed man out of the dust of the
ground’ and said unto him whom he created in his own image, ‘Dust you are.’
” This statement needs qualification. Plants and animals and the body of man
did not “originate” from earth, water, and air in the strict sense of the
term; for a vital principle was required to vitalize and organize these
nonvital and inorganic elements. “Nothing is satisfactory,” says Bell (Hand,
chap. 2), “until it is declared that it has been the will of God to create
life; and that it was he who gave the animating principle to produce
organization.” This animating principle was as much an immediate creation
from nothing as the spirits of angels and men or the simple elements of
matter. When it is said, “Let the earth bring forth grass; let the waters
bring forth the moving creature,” the meaning is that the earth and waters
furnish the nonvital material elements that constitute the visibility of a
plant or animal, which are vivified and assimilated by an invisible
principle of vegetable or animal life created
ex nihilo
(p. 377).
The vegetable and animal kingdoms fall into Pearson’s first class.
Augustine (City
of God 11.33) sums up
as follows: “Under these names
heaven
and earth
the whole creation is signified, either as divided into spiritual and
material, which seems the more likely, or into the two great parts of the
world [universe] in which all created things are contained, so that, first
of all, the creation is presented in sum and then its parts are enumerated,
according to the mystic number of the days.”
3.7.4
(see p. 374).
Grabe, in his Spicilegium
patrum56
(2.195), gives a fragment from the commentary of Anastasius upon the six
days’ work, in which the latter remarks that “Justin Martyr says that all
things which were made by God are sextuply divided: Into immortal and
intelligent things such as angels; into mortal
things endowed with reason
such as men; into sentient things destitute of reason such as cattle,
birds, and fishes; into insentient things that move such as winds,
clouds, waters, and stars; into things that grow but do not move such as
trees; and into insentient things that do not move such as mountains,
land, and the like. All the creatures of God fall into one of these
divisions and are circumscribed by them.” This shows that the
classification of the works of creation was a familiar conception at a
very early date. This would harmonize with the theory of long periods
and creative days and would naturally suggest it.
3.7.5
(see p. 379).
The tendency to explain the kingdoms of vegetable and animal life by
evolution of the one from the other, instead of by a divine fiat
creating them from nothing, is seen in the following remark of Coleridge
(Table Talk
for 30 April 1823): “There are only two acts of creation, properly so
called, in the Mosaic account: the material universe and man. The
intermediate acts [the origination of vegetables and animals] seem more
as the results of secondary causes or, at any rate, of a modification of
prepared materials.” Bacon (Natural
History, century
5), on the contrary, calls attention to the creation from nothing of
life as the organizing principle and power which vivifies and
assimilates the lifeless elements of earth, air, and water. “Plants or
vegetables are the principal part of the third day’s work. They are the
first producat,57
which is the word of animation; for the other words [of the inorganic
days] are but words of essence [inorganic substance].” Agassiz, also,
during the recent revival by Darwin of the pseudoevolution of Lamarck
and St. Hilaire, has maintained the historical physics of Linnaeus,
Blumenbach, Cuvier, and Hunter: “To Agassiz, as the leading opponent of
the development or Darwinian theories, development meant development of
plan as expressed in structure, not the change of one structure into
another. To his apprehension this change was based upon intellectual not
upon material causes” (Life
of Agassiz 1.244).
Similarly, Davy (Consolations,
dialogue 4) remarks: “I can never believe that any division or
refinement or subtilization or juxtaposition or arrangement of the
particles of matter can give them sensibility; or that intelligence can
result from the combinations of insensate and brute atoms. I can as
easily imagine that the planets are moving by their will or design round
the sun or that a cannonball is reasoning in making its parabolic
curve.” Charles Bell (Hand,
chap. 6) says, “Everything declares the diversity of species to have its
origin in distinct creations; and not to be owing to a process of
gradual transition from some original type. Any other hypothesis than
that of new creations of animals, suited to the successive changes in
the inorganic matter of the globe; the condition of the water,
atmosphere, and temperature; brings with it only an
accumulation of difficulties.
Life preserves the materials of the body free from the influence of
those affinities which hold the inorganic world together; and it not
only does that, but it substitutes other laws. Of the wonders of the
microscope none exceed those presented on looking at the early rudiments
of an animal. This rudimentary structure will appear but a homogeneous,
transparent, soft jelly; there will be visible in it only a single
pulsating point; yet this mass possesses within it a principle of life;
and it is not only ordered what this principle shall perform in
attracting matter, and building up the complex structure of the body,
but even the duration of the animal’s existence is from the beginning
defined. The term may be limited to a day, and the life be truly
ephemeral; or it may be prolonged to a hundred years; but the period is
adjusted according to the condition and enjoyment of the individual and
to the continuance of its species, as perfectly as are the mechanism and
structure themselves.… There is nothing like this in inanimate nature.
It is beautiful to see the shooting of a crystal; to note the formation
of the integrant particles from their elements in solution, and these,
under the influence of attraction or crystalline polarity, assuming a
determinate shape; but the form here is permanent. In the different
processes of elective attraction and in fermentation we perceive a
commotion; but in a little time the products are formed, and the
particles are rigidly at rest. In these instances there is nothing like
the revolutions of the living animal substance, where the material is
alternately arranged, decomposed, and rearranged. The changes in the
embryo state are a remarkable example of the latter. The human brain in
its earlier stage of growth resembles that of a fish; next, it bears a
resemblance to the cerebral mass of the reptile; in its increase it is
like that of a bird; and slowly, and only after birth, does it assume
the proper form and consistence of the human brain.” Such is the
judgment of the eminent naturalist to whom “the honor is exclusively due
of having demonstrated for the first time that the nerve of motion is
distinct from the nerve of sensation, and that when a nerve, apparently
simple, possesses both properties, it is a sign that it is really
compound and consists of fibrils derived from distinct divisions of the
brain or spinal cord”—a discovery with which, in respect to originality
and influence upon biology, nothing in the entire results of the recent
materialistic physics can be compared for a moment.
Haeckel (Evolution
of Man 1.73–74)
calls attention to the fact that the current pseudoevolutionary theory
is a revival of that of Lamarck and St. Hilaire and until recently had
so sway in biology: “As an instance how utterly biologists refrained
from inquiries into the origin of organisms and the creation of the
animal and vegetable species during the period from 1830 to 1859, I
mention from my own experience the fact that during the whole course of
my studies at the university I never heard a single word on these most
important and fundamental questions of biology. During the time from
1852 to 1857 I had the good fortune to listen to the most distinguished
teachers in all branches of the science of organic nature; but not one
of them even once alluded to the question of the origin of the vegetable
and animal species. It was never thought worth while to allude to
Lamarck’s valuable
Zoological Philosophy,
in which the attempt to answer it had been made in 1809. The enormous
opposition which Darwin met with when he first took up this question
again may therefore be understood. His attempt seemed at first to be
unsubstantial and unsupported by previous labors. Even in 1859 the
entire problem of creation, the whole question of the origin of
organisms, was considered by biologists as supernatural and
transcendental. The dualistic position taken by Kant, and the
extraordinary importance attached during the whole of the nineteenth
century to this most influential of modern philosophers, probably offer
the best explanation of this fact. For while this great genius, equally
excellent as a naturalist and a philosopher, in the field of inorganic
nature made a successful attempt in his theory of the heavens to treat
the constitution and mechanical origin of the material universe
according to Newtonian principles, in other words, to treat it
mechanically and to conceive it monistically, he for the most part
adopted the supernatural view of the origin of organisms. He maintained
that ‘the principle of the mechanism of [inorganic] nature, without
which there could be no science of [inorganic] nature, was wholly
inadequate to explain the origin of living organisms and that it was
necessary to assume supernatural causes effecting a design (causae
finales)58
for the origin of these.’ ” Haeckel then adds that Kant sometimes
departed from this view and “expressed himself in quite the opposite or
monistic sense.” But he gives no passages in proof and remarks that
“these monistic utterances are but stray rays of light; as a rule Kant
adhered in biology to those obscure dualistic notions according to which
the powers which operate in organic nature are entirely different from
those which prevail in the inorganic world.” The assertion that Kant in
his theory of the heavens adopted monism or Spinoza’s doctrine of only
one substance is contradicted by Haeckel’s own statement that Kant
explained the material universe “according to Newtonian principles.”
Newton held with energy to the dualism of mind and matter and to theism,
and his
Principia is the
strongest of all demonstrations of the truth of this theory, because it
is mathematical. Haeckel has confounded Newton’s explanation of
inorganic nature by the operation of inorganic and mechanical forces
employed by the Creator with the very different theory which explains it
by the operation of these inorganic forces of themselves and without a
superintending mind. The fact that Kant accounted for the inorganic
world by the operation of nonvital and mechanical forces and of the
organic world by the operation of vital and nonmechanical forces—the
forces in both instances being created, upheld, and controlled by the
Creator—by no means proves that in the former domain he adopted
pantheistic monism and in the latter theistic dualism.
3.7.6
(see p. 382).
Haeckel (Evolution
of Man 2.391)
endows matter with the intelligent properties of mind, namely,
self-motion and choice, in the most extreme form conceivable. Even the
germ cell, he maintains, decides for itself whether it will be male or
female: “At first two united cells may have been entirely alike. Soon,
however, by natural selection a contrast must have arisen between them.
One cell became a female egg cell, the other a male seed or sperm cell.”
3.7.7
(see p. 383).
The discussions respecting the scientific value of the theory of
pseudoevolution which makes all the phenomena of the mineral, vegetable,
animal, and rational kingdoms to be alike the mechanical motion of
molecules of matter have overlooked the fact that it has no foundation
or support in mathematics. A really mechanical force and motion can be
investigated and enunciated arithmetically and algebraically.
Gravitation is expressed in the well-known formula that its attraction
is inversely as the square of the distance. The motion of light, in the
refraction and dispersion of its rays, is governed by laws that have
been demonstrated by the employment of calculus. Mathematical optics is
one of the most striking examples of the manner in which material nature
operates mathematically. The motion of heat has been subjected to the
tests of mathematics, and Clausius by this method has proved that when
the heat-motion of ignited gunpowder is converted into the motion of the
cannonball and then is reconverted into heat-motion by impact upon an
iron plate, there is an actual loss of heat and consequently of motion.
This is something which no observation of the senses, naked or armed,
could have demonstrated. Electricity and magnetism are likewise
beginning to be measured by this method. “Geometers,” says a French
journalist, “who are
the continuators of Ampère, Fourier, Ohm, Gauss, Helmholtz, Thompson,
and Maxwell and have helped so much in connecting electricity with the
laws of mechanics are preparing a great synthesis which will mark an
epoch in the history of natural philosophy. They are very near
demonstrating that the electromagnetic phenomena are subjected to the
same elementary laws as the optical; that they are two manifestations of
a motion in the same element, namely, ether; the problems of optics are
solved by equations of electromagnetism; and the speed of light,
determined by optical methods, is measured also by purely electrical
measures.”
It is owing to the fact that
whatsoever is really mechanical is also mathematical that it has from
the first been the aim of the natural philosopher to introduce as much
as possible the calculations and methods of mathematical science into
physics, because in this way a precision and certainty are secured such
as the most careful observations by the senses, even when aided by
instruments, cannot afford. In some instances the algebraic process
demonstrates irrefragably a result that contradicts the notices of the
senses. An eminent geometer has demonstrated that the center of the
shadow made by a circular plate of metal in a ray of light coming
through an aperture is in fact no shadow, but an illumination as bright
as if the metal plate were away. The remark of Euler, after
demonstrating certain properties of the arch, that “all experience is in
contradiction to this, but that this is no reason for doubting its
truth,” paradoxical as it sounds, is scientific certainty.
Accordingly, the progress of
genuine, in distinction from spurious, physics has invariably been
accompanied with that of mathematics. Newton’s theory of gravitation
immediately resulted in the
Principia—that
wonderful treatise of which the full title is
Mathematical Principles of
Natural Philosophy—in
which calculus is employed by an intellect never excelled in the power
of concentrated reflection to demonstrate the truth of a hypothesis
which without this method of proof would be open to doubt and denial.
For subtract the evidence furnished by the theorems and calculations of
the
Principia and
leave the law of gravitation to be accepted merely on the ground of what
can be observed and measured of its operations by the naked or the armed
eye, and it would no longer have the certainty which it now has for the
scientific mind.
Now if, as the materialist
contends, the phenomena of the vegetable, animal, and rational kingdoms
are really and truly mechanical, like those of gravitation, cohesion,
chemical affinity, light, heat, electricity, and magnetism, they should
like these latter be capable of mathematical expression and
demonstration. If it indeed be true, as Haeckel (Creation
1.21) asserts that “when a stone falls by certain laws to the ground, or
a solution of salt forms a crystal, the result is no less a mechanical
manifestation of life than the flowering of a plant, the generation or
sensibility of animals, or the feelings or mental activity of man”—if it
be indeed true that all these phenomena are alike the effect of
molecular motion, then the vitality of the plant, the sensibility of the
animal, and the rationality of the man can be examined mathematically
and the results expressed in mathematical formulas. In this case
treatises in biology and psychology should be as full of mathematical
propositions and calculations as those in chemistry and mechanics. But
the mere assertion of such a possibility is the refutation of the theory
of pseudoevolution. The law of vegetable life has nothing in common with
that of gravitation, and to attempt to express it in mathematical terms
is absurd. The same is true of the law of animal life, and still more of
rational. How would a scientist set about describing the motion of the
sap or the circulation of the blood in terms of calculus? How would he
express the thinking of the human mind or the feeling of the human heart
by algebraic equations? No evolutionist has yet gone to the length of
asserting that one sense can evolve from another; that smelling can
transmute itself into hearing, or seeing into tasting; and no one of
this class has attempted to explain one sensation by another; but the
task would not be greater than to explain vegetable life in the blooming
of a rose or animal life in the crawling of a worm or rational life in
“the thoughts that wander through eternity” and are “too deep for tears”
by the mechanical motion of atoms algebraically formulated by some
Newton or Laplace.
When one considers the great
amount of publication by materialistic physicists during the last twenty
years upon subjects in physics and how little of mathematics there is in
it all, he is made suspicious respecting its credibility. Former periods
in the history of science that were distinguished, as the last two
decades have not been, for real discoveries and additions to the
knowledge of nature were marked by the cultivation of mathematical
analysis. But the present is a time when the most novel and improbable
theories of matter and mind are broached without a particle of this
highest order of proof. Let anyone read the
History of the Physical
Sciences by
Whewell, one of the first mathematicians of the century and a natural
philosopher in the line of Newton and Leibnitz, and see how constantly
and inextricably mathematical calculation is in-woven with all that is
really mechanical and inorganic in them, and then let him turn to the
physics of Haeckel, Huxley, Maudsley, and Büchner and see how destitute
their schematizing is of all support from the exact sciences and how
contradictory it is to the demonstrated and established results of past
investigation, and he will perceive the immense difference between the
historical and the provincial physics.
A striking instance of the
error introduced into the physics of inorganic nature by theories that
not merely lack corroboration by mathematics, but are refuted by it, is
seen in Goethe’s theory of colors. He contended, in opposition to Newton
and physicists generally, that color is not a particular mode of light,
but a mixture of light and darkness. He held that darkness is a positive
quality and not the mere negation of light and that colors are composed
of light and darkness—which, as his biographer Lewis remarks, is “like
saying that tones are composed of sound and silence.” He prosecuted his
experiments and observations with great industry, but in a purely
empirical way, without any knowledge or employment of mathematical
optics. On the contrary, he rejected the aid of this science and
actually took credit to himself for so doing: “I raised,” he said, “the
whole school of mathematicians against me, and people were greatly
amazed that one who had no insight into mathematics could venture to
contradict Newton. For that physics could exist independently of
mathematics, no one seemed to have the slightest suspicion.” His
biographer, who shared in the exaggerated estimate of Goethe common to
all his devotees, was nevertheless too sound a physicist to fall in with
this view of mathematics. Respecting Goethe’s theory of color and those
sciences which are concerned with really mechanical forces, he remarks:
“On Goethe’s theory, the phenomena are not measurable; and whoever
glances into a modern work on optics will see that the precision and
extent to which calculation has been carried are themselves sufficient
ground for preferring the theory which admits such calculation. No
amount of observation will render observation precise, unless it can be
measured. You may watch falling bodies for an eternity, but without
mathematics mere watching will yield no law of gravitation. You may mix
acids and alkalies together with prodigality, but no amount of
experiment will yield the secret of their composition if you have flung
away the balance. Goethe flung away the balance” (Lewis,
Life of Goethe
5.9). It is worthy of particular notice that this error of the poet was
endorsed by the philosophers Schelling and Hegel, both of whom, like
Goethe, adopted the monism of Spinoza, which explains all the phenomena
of the universe by the doctrine of one infinite substance. This accounts
for the agreement between them.
Goethe was more successful in
botany than in optics. His
Metamorphoses of Plants,
in which he developed a theory that had been suggested but not adopted
by Linnaeus, namely, that
all the parts of a plant are
varieties of the leaf, has met with favor among scientific botanists.
But botany is within the domain of life, not of mechanics, if the
historical physics is to be accepted rather than that of the
materialistic schools. Because botany is concerned with a vital force,
it cannot be constructed mathematically, and consequently Goethe’s
ignorance of the exact sciences did no great harm in this instance, as
it did in that of optics.
The inability of the
materialist to ground his theory that mind is matter and that thought,
like heat, is a mode of molecular motion in the mathematics that support
all genuine mechanics is proof that it will be short lived, that the
pseudoevolution of Darwin at the close of the nineteenth century will
share the fate of the pseudoevolution of Lamarck at the beginning of it.
A writer in the
Foreign Quarterly Review
(3.194–95) makes the following objections to the position that life is a
property of inorganic matter and the effect of the arrangement of its
atoms: “(1) If the living principle is an essential property of
inorganic matter, it would follow that this property would increase with
the quantity of matter. This, however, is not the fact. Nature nowhere
manifests more living energy than in its most minute productions. The
insect, for example, the spider, with its instincts performs more
remarkable functions than many a larger animal; the dog more than the
horse, and man more than the elephant, and this more than the whale. (2)
The first rudiment of all living forms, whether animal or vegetable, is
a fluid in which a few globules are found. If the arrangement of
particles or structural organization were the cause of life, this cause
would have little energy in a fluid in which no organ at all is to be
detected; and yet the reverse is the fact, for in no state does the
living principle act so energetically as in the first periods of
existence. In the first month of conception the human embryo weighs only
a few grains; at the ninth month it weighs eight pounds and is twenty
inches in length. In the first month it is as simple as a worm in its
structure; at the ninth it has all the characteristic complication of
the human species. In the early periods of our existence, therefore, the
living principle operates with much greater intensity than in the later;
being employed not so much in merely preserving as in the later periods,
but in forming and building up from the beginning. Every most minute
artery, nerve, or vein is then laid out with uniform skill; parts are
planned and formed which had no previous existence; and it seems as
unreasonable to assert from a contemplation of such facts that
organization or structure is the cause of life as that the house is the
cause of the architect. If the arrangement of particles is the cause of
life, then the consistent materialist must in physics give up the axiom
that the effect is in proportion to the cause. The effects and changes
are far greater in the embryo and uterine existence than they are in the
body after birth; but the number of the particles of matter that are
arranged is far smaller. (3) In the mechanical sciences, we say that
certain substances are the conductors of electricity, but we do not say
that they cause electricity; they develop its phenomena, and that is
all. Now life, like electricity, or any other mechanical force, though
it does not exist separate from matter, yet is transferable from one
body to another. The plant, for example, collects from air, earth, and
water that which it transforms into wood, sap, leaf, and fruit, thus
vivifying these elements. The animal collects from the plant its
material for nerve, blood, and muscle. Man converts bread and meat into
blood, muscle, nerve, and bone, all of which are capable of vital
motion. In all these instances a piece of inanimate matter has received
the gift of life; it has acquired vital properties. Is it not a distinct
transfer of something from one substance to another, which something
cannot be a mere property of the substance to which it is transferred?
Is the principle of life any more a property of the matter which is
vitalized by it than the principle of heat is the property of the iron
that is melted by it? If the two things are entirely diverse in the
latter case, are they not also in the former? (4) Extension, figure,
impenetrability are properties of matter, and we never see them leave
matter; but the dead nerve, although to all appearance the same as the
living, loses sensation, and the dead muscle loses irritability. If it
be replied that the dead muscle or nerve is not the same as the living,
but that death has been accompanied by a cessation of motion in the
fluids or atoms, this implies that the motion of the fluids or atoms
produces life. But is there a single instance in nature of motion
producing anything but motion of identically the same kind? Is there any
proof from observed phenomena that mechanical motion sometimes does more
than this and produces sensation, thought, and volition?”
In agreement with this last
remark, Quatrefages (Human
Species, 13)
remarks: “We do not find in the application of the laws of life and in
the results to which they lead the mathematical precision of the laws of
gravitation and ethero-dynamy [sound and light]. Crystals, when similar
in composition and when formed under similar circumstances, resemble
each other perfectly; but we never find two leaves exactly alike upon
the same tree.”
Regarding spontaneous
generation, “Pasteur proves and Tyndall corroborates that if all germs
of life are excluded, inorganic matter never ferments, never of itself
produces life, and remains inorganic” (Popular
Science Monthly,
Dec. 1876: 135).
3.7.8
(see p. 384).
The effect of friction in diminishing force is seen even in the
provinces of imponderable matter. Every reflection of a ray of light
diminishes its intensity; going in a direct line it is stronger, in a
zigzag it is weaker. Moonlight is paler than sunlight. But reflection is
resistance by friction. The deflection of a bullet diminishes its
motion. When it glances from a rock its movement is less swift than
before the glancing. The same is true of sound when deflected and of
heat when reflected.
3.7.9
(see p. 387).
The fallacy in pseudoevolution is the assumption that variation is
identical with transmutation, that the rise of new varieties is the same
thing as the rise of new species. Quatrefages (Human
Species, 37)
notices this: “Lamarck, St. Hilaire, Darwin and his school consider the
species not only as variable but as transmutable. The specific types are
not merely modified, they are replaced by new types. Variation is, in
their estimation, only a phase of the very different phenomena of
transmutation.” Consider, for illustration of this remark of
Quatrefages, Darwin’s explanation of the moral sense out of the
gregarious instinct in animals, and this latter from animal instinct.
Animals associate; thence cooperation, as in the instance of beavers;
then the wishes of others of the same community are perceived; then the
idea of a common good; then the notion of obligation to consult the
common good. There are the following objections to this genesis of the
moral sense. (1) This process stops with the animal, but moral
obligation stops with God. Even if the improbable supposition be granted
that a beaver may come to feel obliged and bound by a sense of duty to
another beaver, this would not make him feel obliged and bound to a
Supreme Being; if for no other reason, that there is nothing in Darwin’s
account of the matter by which the beaver can get the idea of such a
being. The only idea the beaver has is the idea of another beaver. But a
“moral sense” without a knowledge of a Supreme Being and a sense of duty
to him is nonsense. (2) This process surreptitiously injects elements
into succeeding parts of it that cannot be derived out of the preceding.
This destroys the alleged evolution. There is a leap from actual fact to
mere imagination of a fact. An examination shows this. Animals
“associate” from animal instinct and “cooperate” from animal instinct.
But they do not “perceive the wishes of others” from animal instinct or
“have the idea of a common good” from animal instinct or “the notion of
obligation to consult the common good”from animal instinct. Association
and cooperation are action; but perception of others’ wishes, the idea
of a common good, and the notion of obligation to consult the common
good are reflection. The former may be explained by animal instinct; but
the latter require
human reason to account for them. This pedigree of the moral sense is
like Irving’s derivation of mango from Jeremiah King: “Jerry King,
gherkin, cucumber, mango.”
This criticism applies also
to Spencer’s explanation of the moral sense by the idea of utility:
“Experiences of utility organized and consolidated in generations by
transmission become experiences of morality; of right and wrong.” The
mere “organization”and “consolidation” of a thing does not alter the
nature and substance of it. It only changes its form. Utility condensed
ad infinitum
is only infinite utility.
3.7.10
(see p. 389).
The materialist when pressed with the fact that there is no visible
transmutation of species within the period of time that man has existed
replies that the asserted change requires vast ages. This implies that
natural forces grow stronger as they grow older. But the inherent force
of matter is no more augmented by the increase of time than by the
increase of size. If a minute atom of matter cannot start itself into
motion today, it cannot in three hundred and sixty-five days; and the
same is true of a granite boulder or the plant Jupiter. Longer duration
will add no new and additional force to either of these which it does
not intrinsically have. So also with the increase of bulk. If a grain of
sand cannot begin motion from a state of rest, neither can the entire
globe of which it is a part. Size, greater or smaller, is of no account
in such a case, and neither is time.
3.7.11
(see p. 390).
J. W. Dawson (Salient
Points in the Science of the Earth,
chap. 7) presents the following view of the succession of animal forms,
as the teaching of scientific paleontology. “(1) The existence of life
and organization on the earth is not eternal or even coeval with the
beginning of the physical universe, but may possibly date from
Laurentinian or immediately pre-Laurentinian ages. (2) The introduction
of new species of animals and plants has been a continuous process, not
in the sense of derivation of one species from another, but in the
higher sense of the continued operation of the cause or causes which
introduced life at first. (3) Though thus continuous the process has not
been uniform; but periods of rapid production of species have alternated
with others in which many disappeared and few were introduced. This may
have been an effect of physical cycles reacting on the progress of life.
(4) Species, like individuals, have greater energy and vitality in their
younger stages and rapidly assume all their varietal forms and extend
themselves as widely as external circumstances will permit. Like
individuals, also, they have their periods of old age and decay, though
the life of some species has been of enormous duration in comparison
with that of others; the difference appearing to be connected with
degrees of adaptation to different conditions of life. (5) Many allied
species, constituting groups of animals and plants, have made their
appearance at once in various parts of the earth, and these groups have
obeyed the same laws with the individual and the species in culminating
rapidly and then slowly diminishing, though a large group once
introduced has rarely disappeared together. (6) Groups of species, as
genera and orders, do not usually begin with their highest or lowest
forms, but with intermediate and generalized types, and they show a
capacity for both elevation and degradation in their subsequent history.
(7) The history of life presents a progress from the lower to the higher
and from the simpler to the more complex and from the more generalized
to the more specialized. In this progress new types are introduced and
take the place of the older ones, which sink to a relatively subordinate
place and thus become degraded. But the physical and organic changes
have been so correlated and adjusted that life has been enabled to
assume more complex forms, and thus older forms have been made to
prepare the way for newer, so that there has been, on the whole, a
steady elevation culminating in man. Elevation and specialization have,
however, been secured at the expense of vital energy and range of
adaptation, until the new element of a rational and spiritual nature was
introduced in the case of man. (8) In regard to the larger and more
distinct types, we cannot find evidence that they have in their
introduction been preceded by similar forms connecting them with
previous groups; but there is reason to believe that many supposed
representative species in successive formations are really only races or
varieties. (9) Insofar as we can trace their history, specific types are
permanent in their characters from their introduction to their
extinction, and their earlier varietal forms are similar to their later
ones. (10) Paleontology furnishes no direct evidence, perhaps never can
furnish any, as to the actual transmutation of one species into another;
but the drift of its testimony is to show that species come in
per saltum,59
rather than by any slow and gradual process. (11) The origin and history
of life cannot, any more than the origin and determination of matter, be
explained on purely material grounds, but involve the consideration of
power referable to the unseen and spiritual world. There is a creative
force above and beyond them, to the threshold of which we shall
inevitably be brought.”
3.7.12
(see p. 394).
Respecting Haeckel’s assertion that “natural selection, which acts
without a plan, produces quite the same result as artificial selection,
which the will of man makes according to a plan,” Janet (Materialism
of the Present: A Critique of Büchner,
174) remarks: “The true stumbling block of Darwin’s theory is the
passage from artificial to natural selection; it is when he wishes to
prove that a blind and designless nature has been able to obtain, by the
fortuitous occurrence of circumstances, the same results which man
obtains by well-calculated industry.”
3.7.13
(see p. 394).
A striking example of the punctilious carrying out of the plan of
structure when there is no use for the organ is seen in the whale. The
whale is not a fish, but a mammal. It has lungs, not gills; cannot live
continually under water, but must come to the surface to breathe; is
warm blooded, having a bilocular heart, movable eyelids, ears opening
externally, viviparous generation, and suckles its young. In all these
respects it is like a quadruped, yet there are no external legs. “But,”
observes Roget (Physiology
1.485), “although the bones of the legs do not exist, yet there are
found in the hinder and lower part of the trunk, concealed in the flesh
and quite detached from the spine, two small bones, apparently
corresponding to pelvic bones, for the presence of which no more
probable reason can be assigned than the tendency to preserve an analogy
with the more developed structures of the same type. A similar adherence
to the law of uniformity in the plan and construction of all the animals
belonging to the same class is strikingly shown in the conformation of
the bones of the anterior extremities of the cetacea; for although they
present, externally, no resemblance to the leg and foot of a quadruped,
being fashioned into finlike members, with a flat oval surface for
striking the water, yet when the bones are stripped of the think
integument which covers them and conceals their real form, we find them
exhibiting the same divisions into carpal and metacarpal bones, and
phalanxes of fingers, as exist in the most highly developed
organization, not merely of a quadruped, but also of a monkey, and even
of a man.”
3.7.14
(see p. 397).
The biblical chronology, while forbidding the immense antiquity for the
existence of man on the globe attributed to him by one class of
geologists, does not require an exact mathematical definiteness, but
allows an uncertain margin of one or two thousand years. This is due to
the difference between the two texts from which the contents of
Scripture are derived. The following account of the case is given by a
learned writer in the
London Quarterly Review
(43.120–21): “We are accustomed to
suppose that we possess an
undoubted, precise canon of chronology in the Holy Scriptures; but
perhaps next to a clear acquaintance with what the sacred volume does
undoubtedly contain, the most valuable knowledge is of what it does not.
In the Universal
History above one
hundred and twenty dates are given for the creation, most of them made
out by persons who regard with sincere reverence, and derive their
arguments from, the sacred writings. The first of these places that
event 6984
b.c.;
the last, 3616
b.c.;
differing by the amount of more than 3,000 years. The period of the
deluge is fixed with no greater uniformity. The Septuagint gives 3246
b.c.;
the Hebrew text, according to Ussher, gives 2348
b.c.
The extreme dates assigned to the exodus are those of Josephus,
according to Hales, who agrees nearly with Des Vignolles, 1648
b.c.;
of the English Bible, according to Ussher, 1491
b.c.;
and by the common Jewish chronology, 1312
b.c.
“Our object is to show that
the longer of these chronologies is the best supported and affords ample
space for the highest antiquity which the great Egyptian kingdom can
claim. For the period between the flood and the first connection of
sacred history with Egypt we have four distinct authorities: the
Septuagint version; the Samaritan text; Josephus, who professes to have
adhered faithfully to the sacred volume; and the Hebrew chronology
adopted in our Bibles. None of these, strictly speaking, agree, but the
first three concur in assigning a much longer period between the deluge
and the birth of Abraham: the Septuagint, 1,070 years; the Hebrew, only
292. If it should urged that the translators of the Septuagint,
environed on all sides by Egyptian antiquities and standing in awe of
Alexandrian learning, endeavored to conform their national annals to the
more extended chronological system and that Josephus, either influenced
by their authority or actuated by the same motives, may have adopted the
same views, yet the ancient Samaritan text still remains an
unexceptionable witness to the high antiquity of the longer period. In
fact, we are perhaps wasting our time in contesting this point, as we
may fairly consider the Hebrew chronology of this period between the
deluge and the call of Abraham almost exploded. In our own country, most
of those who have investigated the subject, men who certainly cannot be
suspected of want of reverence for the sacred volume—Bryant, Faber, and
Hales—concur in reverting to the system which generally prevailed in the
early Christian church; and, last, Russell, in an essay prefixed to his
work on the connection of sacred and profane history, has shown, with
great probability, not only the late construction of what may perhaps
fairly be called the rabbinic chronology, in the second century of
Christianity, but also, following the steps of the ancient Christian
writers on the subject, the peculiar object for which it was framed.
“It would be difficult,
indeed, to conceive the vast extension and multiplication of the human
race, the slow development of civilization, the revolutions in the forms
of government, the rise of mighty empires, the splendor of great cities,
within the narrow limits of two or three centuries; but in above a
thousand years what changes might not be wrought. Compare the France and
England, the Paris and London, of the days of William the Conqueror with
their present state; or the wild woods of America, inhabited by
wandering tribes of savages, with her present populous cities. Nor must
it be forgotten that from the visit of Abraham to Egypt, above two
centuries more elapsed before the migration of his descendants; and of
the state of Egypt in the days of the patriarch we know little more than
that a king was ruling, with some degree of state, in some part of Lower
Egypt—probably at Tanis or Zoan; and that the valley of the Nile had
begun to make its rich return to the toil of the agricultural
cultivator.”
3.7.15
(see p. 398).
In corroboration of the position that the population of the globe at the
beginning of profane history was comparatively sparse, the following
estimates are noteworthy. Caesar states that the population of Helvetia,
or Switzerland, in his time was 368,000. In 1880 it was 2,846,000.
Gibbon (chap. 9) asserts that the populousness of northern Europe in the
time of Caesar has been much exaggerated. Robertson (Charles
V, 1) says the
same; and so does Hume (Populousness
of Ancient Nations).
In 1756 Burke says: “I think the numbers of men now upon earth are
computed at five hundred millions, at the most” (Vindication
of Natural Society).
The Abbé Raynal (History
6) says concerning the Mexican Empire: “The Castilian historians tell us
that before the tenth century after Christ this vast space was inhabited
only by some wandering hordes that were entirely savage. They tell us
that about this period some tribes issuing from the north and northwest
occupied parts of the territories and introduced milder manners. They
tell us that three hundred years after, a people still more advanced in
civilization and coming from the neighborhood of California, settled on
the borders of the lakes and built Mexico there.”
3.7.16
(see p. 399).
Whether some of the dynasties of Manetho were contemporaneous or all of
them were successive makes a great difference with the antiquity of
Egypt. Eratosthenes (died 194
b.c.),
adopting the first view, reduced Manetho’s Old Empire from 2,900 years
to 1,076. Panadorus (?) reduced the 5,000 or more years of the thirty
dynasties to 3,555. The total number of years assigned by Manetho to his
thirty dynasties is given in the Eusebius of Syncellus (a.d.
800) as 4,728, in the Armenian Eusebius as 5,205, in the Africanus of
Syncellus as 5,374. Eusebius (Chronicle
1.20) says: “We are told that there were, perhaps, at one and the same
time several kings of Egypt” (Rawlinson,
Egypt
2.6–8).
3.7.17
(see p. 399).
Carpenter (Physiology
§§941-48) mentions the following facts in proof of the original unity of
the human species and of the variations produced by climate and manner
of life: “The influence of habits of life, continued from generation to
generation, upon the form of the head is remarkably evinced by the
transition from one type to another [namely, the prognathous, pyramidal,
and elliptical skulls], which may be observed in nations that have
undergone a change in their manners and customs and have made an advance
in civilization. Thus, to mention but one instance, the Turks at present
inhabiting the Ottoman and Persian empires are undoubtedly descended
from the same stock with those nomadic races which are still spread
through Central Asia. The former, however, having conquered the
countries which they now inhabit, eight centuries since, have gradually
settled down to the fixed and regular habits of the Indo-European race
and have made corresponding advances in civilization; while the latter
have continued their wandering mode of life and can scarcely be said to
have made any decided advance during the same interval. Now the
long-since civilized Turks have undergone a complete transformation into
the likeness of Europeans, while their nomadic relatives retain the
pyramidal configuration of the skull in a very marked degree. Some have
attributed this change in the physical structure of the Turkish race to
the introduction of Circassian slaves into the harems of the Turks; but
this could only affect the opulent and powerful among the race; and the
great mass of the Turkish population have always intermarried among
themselves. In like manner, even the Negro prognathous head and face may
become assimilated to the European by long subjection to similar
influences. Thus, in some of our older West Indian colonies, it is not
uncommon to meet with Negroes, the descendants of those first introduced
there, who exhibit a very European physiognomy; and it has even been
asserted that a Negro belonging to the Dutch portion of Guiana may be
distinguished from another belonging to the British settlements by the
similarity of the features and expression of each to those which
respectively characterize his masters. The effect could not be here
produced by the intermixture of bloods, since this would be made
apparent by alteration of color. But not only may the pyramidal and
prognathous types be elevated toward the elliptical; the elliptical may
be degraded toward
either of these. Want, squalor, and ignorance have a special tendency to
induce that diminution of the cranial portion of the skull and that
increase of the facial, which characterizes the prognathous type, as
cannot but be observed by anyone who takes an accurate and candid survey
of the condition of the most degraded part of the population of the
great towns of Great Britain and as it is seen to be preeminently the
case with regard to the lowest class of Irish emigrants. A certain
degree of retrogression to the pyramidal type is also to be noticed
among the nomadic tribes which are to be found in every civilized
community. Among these, as has been remarked by a very acute observer
(Mayhew, in London
Labor and the London Poor),
according as they partake more or less of the purely vagabond nature,
doing nothing whatsoever for their living, but moving from place to
place, preying on the earnings of the more industrious portion of the
community, so will the attributes of the nomadic races be found more or
less marked in them; and they are all more or less distinguished for
their high cheekbones and protruding jaws, thus showing that kind of
mixture of the pyramidal with the prognathous type, which is to be seen
among the lowest of the Indian and Malayo-Polynesian race. Hence we are
led to conclude that, so far as regards their anatomical structure,
there is no such difference among the different races of mankind as
would justify to the zoologist the assertion of their distinct origin.
The variations which they present in physical respects are not greater
than those which we meet with between the individuals of any one race.
Thus, we not only find the average duration of life to be the same,
making allowance for the circumstances which induce disease, but the
various epochs of life—such as the times of the first and second
dentition, the period of puberty, the duration of pregnancy, the
intervals of catamenia, and the time of their final cessation—present a
marked general uniformity such as does not exist among similar epochs in
the lives of species allied but unquestionably distinct. Further, the
different races of man are all subject to the same diseases—to the
sporadic, endemic, and epidemic; the only exceptions being those in
which the constitution of a race has grown to a certain set of
influences (as that of the Negro to the malaria which generates certain
pernicious fevers in the Europeans) producing a hereditary immunity in
the race, which is capable of being acquired by individuals of other
races by acclimatization begun sufficiently early. Although the
comparison of the structural characters of the human races does not
furnish any positive evidence of their descent from a common stock, it
yet justifies the assertion that even if their stocks were originally
distinct, there could have been no essential difference between them—the
descendants of any one stock being able to assume the characteristics of
the other. The most important physiological test, however, of specific
unity or diversity is that furnished by the generative process. It may
be considered as a fundamental fact, alike in the vegetable and in the
animal kingdom, that hybrid races originating in the sexual connection
of individuals of two different species, do not tend to
self-perpetuation; the hybrids being nearly sterile with each other,
although they may propagate with either of their parent races, in which
the hybrid race will soon merge; while, on the other hand, if the
parents be themselves varieties of the same species, the hybrid
constitutes but another variety, and its powers of reproduction are
rather increased than diminished, so that it may continue to propagate
its own race or may be used for the production of other varieties almost
ad infinitum.
The application of this principle to the human races leaves no doubt
with respect to their specific unity; for, as is well known, not only do
all the races of men breed freely with each other, but the mixed race is
generally superior in physical development and in tendency to rapid
multiplication to either of the parent stocks. Finally, the question of
psychical conformity or difference among the races of mankind is one
which has a most direct bearing upon the question of their specific
unity or diversity; but it has an importance of its own, even greater
than that which it derives from this source. For, as has been recently
argued with great justice and power by Agassiz, the real unity of
mankind does not lie in the consanguinity of a common descent, but has
its basis in the participation of every race in the same moral nature
and in the community of moral rights which hence becomes the privilege
of all. ‘This is a bond,’ says Agassiz, ‘which every man feels more and
more the further he advances in his intellectual and moral culture and
which in this development is continually placed upon higher and higher
ground; so much so that the physical relation arising from a common
descent is finally lost sight of in the consciousness of higher moral
obligations. It is in these obligations that the moral rights of men
have their foundation; and thus while Africans have the hearts and
consciences of human beings, it could never be right to treat them as
domestic cattle or as wild fowl, even if it were ever so abundantly
demonstrated that their race was but an improved species of ape and ours
a degenerate kind of god.’ The psychical comparison of the various races
of mankind is really, therefore, the most important part of the whole
investigation; but it has been, nevertheless, the most imperfectly
pursued until the inquiry was taken up by Dr. Prichard. The mass of
evidence which he has accumulated on this subject leaves no reasonable
doubt that no more ‘impassable barrier’ really exists between the
different races with respect to their psychical than in regard to their
physical peculiarities; the variations in the development of their
respective psychical powers and capacities not being greater, either in
kind or degree, than those which present themselves between individuals
of our own or of any other race, by some members of which a high
intellectual and moral standard has been attained. The tests by which we
recognize the claims of the outcast and degraded of our own or any other
highly civilized community to a common humanity are the same as those by
which we should estimate the true relation of the Negro, the Bushman, or
the Australian to the cultivated European. If, on the one hand, we admit
the influence of want, ignorance, and neglect in accounting for the
debasement of the savages of our own great cities and if we witness the
same effects occurring under the same conditions among the Bushmen of
Southern Africa, we can scarcely hesitate in admitting that the
long-continued operation of the same agencies has had much to do with
the psychical as well as the physical deterioration of the Negro,
Australian, and other degraded races.”
3.7.18
(see p. 400).
The following article upon the antiquity of man by John A. Zahn was
published in the
American Catholic Review:
“Archeologists divide the
first period of human history into three ages called, in the order of
succession, the Stone Age, the Bronze Age, and the Iron Age.
“If the evolution theory of
the origin of man and the development of civilization be true, we should
expect to find the archeological division universally true and
applicable equally to all peoples in all parts of the world. There does
not seem to be any doubt that in certain parts of Europe, perhaps
throughout the greater portion of it, the Stone Age preceded the Ages of
Bronze and Iron. It would be a mistake, however, to imagine that the
Stone Age marks a fixed period in human history and that it prevailed at
the same time in all lands and among all peoples. Nothing could be
farther from the truth. While one nation or one tribe was living in the
Age of Stone, its next neighbors may have been enjoying the advantages
of the Age of Bronze or of Iron.
“If there is no fixed period
in time for the Stone Age, neither is there a hard-and-fast line of
demarcation between the Age of Stone and that of Bronze or between the
Age of Bronze and that of Iron. They frequently overlap one another and
are, in many instances, quite synchronous.
“Again, it would be equally
wide of the truth to assert that all peoples passed through the three
phases of civilization indicated by the Ages of Stone, Bronze, and Iron.
This is so far from being
the case that numerous
instances are citable when there were but two ages, and sometimes only
one. Some of the more barbarous tribes of the earth are still in the
Stone Age and have never known any other. There are others, in Europe,
that have never known a Bronze Age, but who passed directly from the
Stone to the Iron Age. From the fact that stone, bronze, and iron
implements are found together in the most ancient Chaldean tombs and
Assyrian ruins, archeologists have inferred that neither Chaldea nor
Assyria ever knew the Ages of Bronze and Iron as distinct from that of
Stone. More remarkable still, we find that, in the case of the majority
of the tribes of Africa, excluding the Egyptians, the only age that has
ever existed is the Age of Iron. Stone has been used, but from the most
remote period that archeology has been able to reach, iron has been in
common use, while bronze has been entirely unknown.
“Yet more. According to the
researches of Dr. Schliemann, there was neither a Stone Age nor a Metal
Age in Greece and Asia Minor. In the finds at Troy, especially, there is
the most striking evidence of devolution. Here, as well as at Mycenae,
the ornaments and implements discovered, even in the lowest strata, far
from indicating a state of savagery and degradation, betoken one of high
civilization. In the light of Schliemann’s discoveries, not to speak of
others pointing in the same direction made in Egypt and among the ruins
of Assyria and Babylonia, bearing on the condition of primitive man in
the Orient, the conclusion seems to be inevitable that the modern
evolution school is wrong—that the history of our race is not one of
development, but one of degeneration. Thus the story of the fall, as
recorded in Holy Writ, is corroborated by the declarations of the newest
of sciences—prehistoric archeology.
“The Age of Iron, even
according to those who claim a great antiquity for our race, was
posterior to the alleged Age of Bronze. But when, in European countries,
was the Age of Bronze ushered in, and when did it close? The bronze used
in Europe in prehistoric times and even in historic times was brought by
the Phoenicians. The period of commercial prosperity for Phoenicia, it
is thought, extended approximately from the twelfth to the fifth century
before the Christian era. And this is the epoch, according to the latest
and most reliable researches, during which the many objects of bronze,
mostly of Phoenician design and manufacture, were distributed over
western, central, and northern Europe. This would place the so-called
Bronze Age in the neighborhood of 1000
b.c.
But this, probably, is assigning it a maximum antiquity.
“As to the Iron Age in
Scandinavia, it belonged, if we are to credit the ablest authorities on
the subject, to the fourth and sixth centuries after Christ. The Age of
Iron in Gaul dates back, probably, to the fourth century before our era.
Judging from the finds in the necropolis of Hallstatt, the Iron Age
began in Austria one or two centuries earlier. The Stone Age terminated
in Denmark about 500
b.c.
or 600
b.c.
“But the fact is, it is
utterly impossible to arrive at anything even approximating exact dates
for any of the three Ages. They are different for different peoples. For
this reason, therefore, to construct a system of chronology based on the
implements of stone, bronze, and iron that have been used by man in the
prehistoric past is, at least in the present state of science, clearly
impracticable.
“What has been said of the
futility of all attempts to arrive at a system of chronology based on
the various objects of human industry obviously applies with equal force
to the skulls and other bones of primitive man that have attracted so
much attention during the past few decades. They can, no more than the
implements of stone and bronze and iron so far discovered, be accepted
as evidence of the great antiquity of the human race.
“We heartily endorse the
words of W. H. Holmes, of the Smithsonian Institution, when he says:
‘The whole discussion of early man has been so surcharged with
misconception of facts and errors of interpretation that all is
vitiated, as a stream with impurities about its source. Until an
exhaustive scientific study of the origin, form, genesis, and meaning of
all the handiwork of man made use of in the discussion is completed, the
discussion of man and culture is worse than useless, and speculation can
lead but to embarrassment and disaster.’
“When examining some of the
evidence presented by geologists in favor of the antiquity of man, one
cannot help saying with Goethe, ‘The thing the most terrible to hear is
the constantly reiterated assurance that geologists agree on a given
point.’ In 1857 the famous Neanderthal skull was discovered near
Düsseldorf. Professor Schaaffhausen adjudged it to be ‘the most ancient
memorial of the early inhabitants of Europe.’ Professor Fuhbrott wrote a
book on it in which he declared the age of the relic to be from 200,000
to 300,000 years, but Dr. Mayer, of Bonn, after a critical examination
of the ‘fossil’ and the locality in which it was found came to the
conclusion that it was the skull of a Cossack killed in 1814!”
The conclusions that are
drawn within the province of paleontology are of a very uncertain nature
because the data are largely conjecture and are also exposed to
misrepresentation and forgery. The following extract from the public
press illustrates this:
“In those parts of England
and Europe where relics of the Stone Age have been found and where new
discoveries occasionally come to light, the manufacture of counterfeit
Paleolithic implements has become a fine art. Forgeries of prehistoric
antiquities, both in stone and bronze, are numerous. The chipping of the
English imitations is said to be superior to that of the French, but in
each case the lancelet form is the favorite. The appearance of antiquity
is usually given by a thin coating of fine clay, but at Amiens a plan of
whitening the flint by long boiling in the family kettle has been
introduced. In some of the bone caves of the reindeer period, both in
France and Germany, ancient bones have had designs engraved upon them by
modern forgers, and ancient flint tools have been inserted in sockets of
ancient bone so as together to form a composite falsification. Something
of the same kind has been practiced with regard to relics from the Swiss
lake dwellings, many of the bronze objects from which have also been
imitated by casting. Of Neolithic implements forgeries are equally
abundant and in some instances equally difficult to detect. Large
perforated axheads when made of soft sandstone, which could not possibly
be used for cutting purposes, of course betray themselves; but the
modern flint axes and arrowheads are not so easily distinguishable from
the ancient. To the experienced eye there is, however, a difference both
in the workmanship and the character of the surface, the ancient
arrowheads having probably been worked into shape by pressure with a
tool of stag’s horn and not by blows of an iron hammer. The grinding of
the edges of modern imitations has usually been effected on a revolving
grindstone; in ancient times a fixed stone was always used, on which the
surface and edges of axes or hatchets were ground by friction.”
3.7.19
(see p. 401).
In some nations civilization is found to be very ancient and in others
barbarism very modern. Two thousand years before Christ, Egypt, Babylon,
and Assyria were far advanced in the knowledge of the mechanical arts
and inventions. Two thousand years after Christ the barbarous tribes of
the islands of the sea and of portions of the continents, like Alaska
and Greenland, have little or no knowledge of them. “The tools of the
pyramid builders,” says Petrie, “show that the Egyptian stoneworkers of
4,000 years ago had a surprising acquaintance with what have been
considered modern tools. Among the many tools used by the pyramid
builders were both solid and tubular drills and straight and circular
saws. The drills, like those of today, were set with jewels (probably
coriandrum, as the diamond was very scarce), and even lathe tools had
such cutting edges. So remarkable was the quality of the tubular drills
and the skill of the workmen that the cutting marks in hard granite give
no indication of wear of the tool,
while a cut of a tenth of an
inch was made in the hardest rock at each revolution, and a hole through
both the hardest and softest material was bored perfectly smooth and
uniform throughout. Of the material and method of making the tools
nothing is known.” Even in semibarbarous tribes a considerable
inventiveness is found. “We were shown,” says Lady Brassy (Last
Voyage, 148), “one
of the ingenious air-compressing tubes which have been used by the
natives of Borneo for hundreds of years to produce fire. Professor
Faraday alluded in one of his lectures to the possibility of producing
fire by means of compressed air as a discovery of comparatively modern
science; whereas the fact has long been known and put to use in these
obscure regions of the earth.”
Respecting the high degree of
civilization in Egypt and Babylon at a very early date, corroborating
the representations of the Pentateuch and Job, J. W. Dawson (London
Expositor) says:
“We are only beginning to understand the height of civilization to which
Egypt and other ancient countries around the Mediterranean had attained
even before the time of Moses. Maspero and Tomkins have illustrated the
extent and accuracy of the geographical knowledge of the Egyptians of
this period. The latter closes a paper on this subject with the
following words: ‘The Egyptians, dwelling in their green, warm river
course, and on the watered levels of their El Faiyûm and Delta, were yet
a very enterprising people, full of curiosity, literary, scientific in
method, admirable delineators of nature, skilled surveyors, makers of
maps, trained and methodical administrators of domestic and foreign
affairs, kept alert by the movements of their great river and by the
necessities of commerce, which forced them to the Syrian forests for
their building timber and to Kush and Pun for their precious furniture
woods and ivory, to say nothing of incense, aromatics, cosmetics,
asphalt, exotic plants, and pet and strange animals, with a hundred
other needful things.’ The heads copied by Petrie from Egyptian tombs
show that the physical features of all the people inhabiting the
surrounding countries, as well as their manners, industries, and arts,
were well known to the Egyptians. The papers of Lockyer have shown that
long before the Mosaic age the dwellers by the Euphrates and the Nile
had mapped out the heavens, ascertained the movements of the moon and
planets, established the zodiacal signs, discriminated the poles of the
ecliptic and the equator, ascertained the law of eclipses and the
precession of the equinoxes, and, in fact, had worked out all the
astronomical data which can be learned by observation and had applied
them to practical uses. Lockyer would even ask us to trace this
knowledge as far back as 6000
b.c.
or into the postglacial or antediluvian period; but, however this may
be, astronomy was a very old science in the time of Moses, and it is
quite unnecessary to postulate a late date for the references to the
heavens in Genesis or Job. In geodesy and allied arts also, the
Egyptians had long before this time attained to a perfection never since
excelled, so that our best instruments can detect no errors in very old
measurements and levelings. The arts of architecture, metallurgy, and
weaving had attained to the highest development; civilization and
irrigation, with their consequent agriculture and cattle breeding, were
old and well-understood arts; and how much of science and practical
sagacity is needed for regulating the distribution of Nile water, anyone
may learn who will refer to the reports of Colin Scott Moncrieff and his
assistants. Sculpture and painting in the age of Moses had attained
their acme and were falling into conventional styles. Law and the acts
of government had become fixed and settled. Theology and morals and the
doctrine of rewards and punishments had been elaborated into complex
systems. Ample material existed for history, not only in monuments and
temple inscriptions, but in detailed writings on papyrus. Egypt has left
a wealth of records of this kind, unsurpassed by any nation, and very
much of these belongs to the time before Moses; while, as Birch has
truly said, the Egyptian historical texts are ‘in most instances
contemporaneous with the events they record and written and executed
under public control.’ There was also abundance of poetical and
imaginative literature and treatises on medicine and other useful arts.
At the court of Pharaoh correspondence was carried on with all parts of
the civilized world in many languages and in various forms of writing,
including that of Egypt itself, that of Chaldea, and probably also the
alphabetical writing afterward used by the Hebrews, Phoenicians, and
Greeks, but which seems to have originated at a very early period among
the Mineans or Punites of South Arabia. Educations were carried on in
institutions of various grades, from ordinary schools to universities.
In the latter, we are told, were professors or ‘mystery teachers’ of
astronomy, geography, mining, theology, history, and languages, as well
as many of the higher technical arts.”
According to a correspondent
of the London Daily
Chronicle, an
exhibition of exceeding interest has just been opened at the Vienna
Museum: “This consists of a collection of upward of 10,000 Egyptian
papyrus documents, which were discovered at El Faiyûm and purchased by
the Austrian Archduke Rainer several years ago. The collection is
unique, and the documents, which are written in eleven different
languages, have all been deciphered and arranged scientifically. They
cover a period of 2,500 years and furnish remarkable evidence as to the
culture and public and private life of the ancient Egyptians and other
nations. They are also said to contain evidence that printing from type
was known to the Egyptians as far back as the tenth century
b.c.
Other documents show that a flourishing trade in the manufacture of
paper from linen rags existed six centuries before the process was known
in Europe. Another interesting feature in the collection is a number of
commercial letters, contracts, tax records, wills, novels, tailors’
bills, and even love letters, dating from 1200
b.c.
“There are two documents in
existence which sufficiently prove the wealth and civilization of
Jerusalem in the time of Hezekiah (726
b.c.).
The first contains evidence of wide commercial relations; the second
gives indications of a considerable lapse of time since the first birth
of Hebrew civilization. The first is the account given by Sennacherib of
his unsuccessful siege of Jerusalem; the second is the celebrated Siloam
inscription, the oldest monument of Hebrew literature still extant. In
the face of these documents it is no longer possible to suppose that the
Hebrews were merely rude tribes, which only attained to a knowledge of
writing and to a national literature by adopting the civilization of
their Assyrian and Babylonian captors. Hezekiah, we are told by
Sennacherib, sent a tribute, including £15,000 of gold, 800 talents
(£400,000) of silver, precious stones, a chain of ivory, elephants’
hides and tusks, rare woods, etc. The mention of ivory is important. We
know that Egyptian ivory objects have been found in Nineveh and in the
oldest remains of Troy. It appears, therefore, that during, or more
probably before, the time of Hezekiah, a trade with Egypt existed. We
learn that Sargon took 27,280 prisoners from the city of Samaria in 772
b.c.
This would make Jerusalem, which was a city certainly as important as
Samaria, cover about 200 acres of ground, representing a population of
at least 20,000 souls. The Siloam inscription has been placed by Dr.
Taylor as late as the time of Manasseh; but if we accept the Old
Testament account of the great waterworks of Hezekiah (2
Chron. 39:30), it
seems more probable that the date should be earlier than 703
b.c.”
(Conder, Syrian
Stone Lore,
116–17).
3
3. בָּרָא
לַעֲשׂוֹת = to create by making
5
5. The
Qal is the simplest pattern of the Hebrew verb. It is used to
express the basic meaning of the verb root. The Piel is a Hebrew
verb pattern that may also express the basic meaning for some verb
roots, though it more usually indicates some intensification of the
action. For verbs whose Qal pattern represents a state or condition
rather than an action (e.g., “to be heavy”), the Piel will refer to
bringing about or making that condition (e.g., “to make heavy”).
7
7. ex,
non designat sed excludit materiam
10
10. ἐξ
οὐκ ὄντων = from nonexisting things
11
11. ex
nihilo nihil fit
12
12. nullam
rem e nihilo gigni divinitus unquam
13
13. De
principiis philosophiae Renati Descartes.
14
14. substantia
una et unica
16
16. WS:
A similar petitio principii
is seen in von Baer’s definition of evolution, adopted by Spencer,
as the “transformation [transmutation] of the homogeneous into the
heterogeneous.” That a homogeneous substance (say, vegetable) can be
transmuted into a heterogeneous substance (say, animal or mineral)
is the point in dispute, but is quietly assumed in the definition.
And, in order to give plausibility to this
petitio, a false
definition of the “homogeneous” is introduced. It is defined as
“that which is without organs,” the heterogeneous being “that which
has organs” (Carpenter, Physiology,
888). But the presence or absence of organs is not a mark of a
difference in substance, which is what is requisite in order to
heterogeneity. Vegetable protoplasm before the differentiation into
organs begins is as really vegetable substance as afterward. Animal
protoplasm is as really animal matter before the organs appear as
after. There is nothing heterogeneous in either instance. Another
petitio principii
of the same kind appears in the agnostic definition of knowledge as
“classification.” According to this definition, nothing can be known
unless it can be brought under a class; and a class implies several
individuals of the same species. “The first cause, the infinite, in
order to be known must be classed,” says Spencer (First
Principles, 81). But as the infinite
is the only one of the species, he cannot be put into a class, and
therefore he is utterly unknowable. The point in dispute is whether
all knowledge is classification and is quietly assumed by the
agnostic in his definition of knowledge. Even in regard to those
objects which can be classified, the whole of our knowledge does not
consist merely in knowing the class to which they belong.
Classification is only one of several elements in cognition.
17
17. ex
nihilo nihil fit
18
18. WS:
On this dogma of creation ex nihilo,
so vital to theism, ethics, and religion, see Cudworth,
Intellectual System,
chap. 5; Pearson, On the Creed,
art. 1; Clarke, Demonstration,
76; Augustine, Confessions
11–12; Ambrose, Hexaemeron
2.1–2; Shedd, History of Doctrine
1.7–15; Theological Essays,
133–35, 154–59.
19
19. οὐκ
ἦ ν πότε ὅτε οὐκ ἦ ν = there was not when
he was not
21
21. WS:
See also City of God
11.9; On the Literal Meaning of Genesis
1.9.15; Gangauf, Augustinus,
100. Howe (Oracles
2.9) takes the same view, as does Pearson,
On the Creed, art.
1. Delitzsch (Old Testament History of
Redemption, 12) says that “the account
of the creation begins with an all-comprehending statement (Gen.
1:1). The creation which is here intended is the very first
beginning, which was not preceded by any other and hence embraces
the heaven of heavens. That which follows in the second verse is
confined to the earth and its heavens.”
22
22. multum
impares (i.e., to our days)
23
23. WS:
For a lucid statement of the teachings of geology concerning the
order of creation, see Dana, Creation.
28
28. WS:
This is the rendering of the Septuagint, Vulgate, and Authorized
Version. But even if that of the Targums, Syriac, Gesenius, and many
modern Hebraists, whom the Revised Version follows, be adopted, it
still appears from the narrative that there was a time when “no
plant of the field was yet in the earth and no herb of the field had
yet sprung up.” In this state of things, it is plain that the earth
could not “bring forth” what was not “in the earth,” except by the
intervention of a creative act.
29
29. WS:
Philo (Questions on Genesis)
so explains: “Moses here (Gen. 2:5) intimates, in enigmatic
expressions, the incorporeal species which were created first in
accordance with the intellectual nature which those things which are
upon the earth perceptible to the outward senses were to imitate.”
34
34. νοῦς
ἔστι ἀρχή τῆς κίνησεως = mind is the
beginning of motion
35
35. Corpus
omne perseverare in statu quo quiescendi vel movendi uniformiter in
directum, nisi quatenus illud, a viribus impressis, cogitur statum
suum mutare.
37
37. WS:
Darwin’s theory of evolution requires a Creator to account for the
primitive protoplasm, though no Creator subsequently.
38
38. WS:
“The progress of science is incalculably promoted by the existence
of a body of men, trained to the study of the higher mathematics,
who are prepared when an abstruse theory comes before the world to
appreciate its evidence, to take steady hold of its principles, to
pursue its calculations, and to convert it into a portion of the
permanent science of the world” (Whewell,
Inductive Sciences
2.130). Pseudoevolution has had no endorsement of this kind.
39
39. WS:
The theory that thought is nothing but cerebration and that all
mental phenomena result from the motion of the molecules of the
brain was taught in the University of Laputa, according to Swift.
Among the various methods of instruction employed in that wonderful
institution, Lemuel Gulliver mentions the following: “I was at the
mathematical school, where the master taught his pupils after a
method scarce imaginable to us in Europe. The proposition and
demonstration were fairly written on a thin wafer, with ink composed
of a cephalic tincture. This, the student was to swallow upon a
fasting stomach, and for three days following eat nothing but bread
and water. As the wafer digested, the tincture mounted to his brain,
bearing the proposition along with it” (Gulliver’s
Travels, 5).
41
41. WS:
The following facts go to prove the comparatively recent origin of
the solar system. (1) The earth is cooling slowly, yet at such a
rate as to make it impossible that it should have existed many
millions of years. It would have been stone cold clear through, in
that case. (2) There is reason to believe that the earth is not
rotating on her axis with the same rapidity as in former ages, and
inasmuch as her shape would have been different if, at the same time
she was in a molten state, she had been rotating more rapidly than
now, it follows that she has not been rotating so long as has been
supposed. (3) The sun is parting with caloric at such a rate as to
make it certain that it could not have continued to radiate heat at
the same rate for more than a few millions of years. (4) The changes
in the earth’s crust, stupendous and varied as they are, could be
and probably were accomplished in shorter periods than some
geologists consider possible (Quarterly
Review 1876).
42
42. WS:
It is claimed that the same amount of heat produced by the
combustion of the carbon in a man’s dinner would be produced by the
same amount of carbon if burnt out of the body. But no experiment
has proved that the vital heat in this instance is equivalent
mathematically to the chemical heat or that the two are identical in
kind. Cf. Cooke, Credentials of Science,
172–73.
44
44. omne
animal ex ovo est
45
45. WS: The
hopefulness of the evolutionist is expressed in the words of
Wagner in the second part of Goethe’s
Faust, act 2:
Look yonder! see the
flashes from the hearth!
Hope for the world
dawns there, that, having laid
The stuff together of
which man is made,
The hundredfold
ingredients mixing, blending,
(For upon mixture is
the whole depending),
If then in a retort we
slowly mull it,
Next to a philosophic
temper dull it,
Distil and redistil,
at leisure thin it,
All will come right,
in silence, to a minute.
Turning again to
the hearth.
’Tis forming—every
second brings it nearer—
And my conviction
becomes stronger, clearer.
What nature veils in
mystery, I expect
Through the plain
understanding to effect;
What was organization
will at last
Be with the art of
making crystals classed.
46
46. WS:
The loose use of the term species
covers up much sophistical reasoning of the evolutionists.
Quatrefages (Human Species,
96) says: “Darwin has formed no clear conception of the sense which
he gave to the word species;
I have been unable to find in any of his works a single precise
statement on this point.” Darwin remarks that “it seems probable
that allied species are descended from a common ancestor.” The
connection in which this is said shows that by “allied species” he
means only varieties of pigeons, dogs, etc.
48
48. Non
ad translationem generis, sed ad aegritudinem quandam seminis,
videtur esse referendum.
49
49. WS:
This supposes that in nature an eye can be found in isolation, by
itself, separate from the body of which it is the eye. But nature
never forms organs in this way. They are found only in connection
with the organization and growth of the entire body.
53
53. WS:
Lewis, “On the Early Populations of the Globe” in “Genesis” in
Lange’s Commentary,
314–15; Southall, Recent Origin of Man;
Pouchet, Universe,
609; Fraser, Blinding Lights;
Lyell, Antiquity of Man;
Quatrefages, Human Species
3.12–13; British Quarterly Review
1863 (review of Lyell); Cabell, Unity
of Mankind.
54
54. Les
textes de Manéthou sont profondément altérés, et la série des dates
monumentales est très incomplète.
55
55. WS:
Hume, Populousness of Ancient Nations;
“Population” in Penny Cyclopaedia;
Wallace, Dissertation on the Numbers of
Mankind; Petavius,
Computation in
Thomas Brown’s Pseudodoxia
6.6.
56
56. Gleaning
of the fathers
57
57. let it
bring forth
58
58. final
causes. In the Aristotelian scheme of causality, a final cause refers to
the goal or end toward which an entity or activity tends.
59
59. in
through a leap, suddenly. The meaning here is that species arise
suddenly rather than gradually.