4 Canonicity
of Scripture
The canonicity of a book means its right to a place in
the collection of inspired writings; and this depends upon the fact that it
was composed by an inspired man or under his direction. Canonicity therefore
is very closely connected with authenticity or genuineness, and some would
merge the two in one. If a book can be proved to be the genuine product of
an evangelist or apostle, its canonicity is established. To determine
whether a writing is canonical is to determine whether it originated in the
very restricted circle of inspired men or in the very wide circle of
ordinary men. In answering this question, some assistance is derivable from
the nature and contents of the book. Absurdities and contradictions,
sentiments contradicting the general tenor of revelation, and such like
characteristics would prove that a writing is not the product of inspiration
and therefore not canonical. Thus the subject of canonicity is also
connected with that of credibility. At the same time, the question “who is
the author of the book?” is different from the question “is the book
credible?” The former is the question when the subject of canonicity is
under consideration. (See supplement 2.4.1.)
The inquiry respecting the authorship of a writing is
mainly historical. To answer it requires the testimony of competent
witnesses; and the most competent witnesses are those who lived nearest to
the time of the alleged origin and authorship. An eyewitness is the best of
all; and the next best witness is one who personally heard the testimony of
an eyewitness and so onward. Consequently, the primitive church was better
situated and qualified than the modern church to testify respecting the
authorship of the Gospel of Luke or the Epistle to the Hebrews. More
documentary evidence and more personal testimony was accessible in the year
150 than in the year 1880. An Alexandrine scholiast had more data for
determining which of the Platonic dialogues are spurious than any English or
German philologist of the nineteenth century. The generation of Americans
who lived at the close of the eighteenth century had the best advantages of
any for settling the question whether Jefferson was the author of the
Declaration of Independence.
The canonicity of a New Testament book is not settled by
the authority of the primitive church, but by its testimony. This mistake is
frequently made. Coleridge (Table Talk
for 31 March 1832) says that “we receive the books ascribed to John and Paul
as their books on the judgment of men for whom no miraculous discernment is
pretended. Shall we give less credence to John and Paul themselves?” The
modern church does not receive John’s Gospel and Paul’s epistles as
canonical on the “judgment” or decision of the primitive church respecting
their contents, but on their testimony respecting their authorship.
Testimony respecting canonicity is like testimony respecting miracles. The
modern church does not rest its belief in the miracles of our Lord on the
authority of the first Christians, but on their witness and attestation. The
authority of the first Christians is no higher than that of any other
Christians, but their testimony is.
Neither is the question of canonicity to be answered by
the witness of the Holy Spirit in the consciousness of the believer. The
teaching of the Holy Spirit, while indispensable to a saving apprehension of
biblical truth, is not available at this point. The Holy Spirit teaches in
regard to the credibility, but not in regard to the canonicity of Scripture.
The divine Spirit does not inform any man or class of men who composed the
Book of Chronicles or of Joshua. This would be a revelation. God leaves the
question respecting the authorship of particular books of Scripture to be
settled chiefly by historical testimony and, from the nature of the case, by
the testimony of the earlier generations rather than of the later. The
testimony to canonicity is in this respect like the testimony to miracles.
It is not inspired and infallible, yet it is credible and trustworthy. We go
to the very first Christians of all for the testimony to miracles; and we
must go to the earlier Christians for the testimony to canonicity. And as
the proof of miracles does not depend upon the inward teaching of the Holy
Spirit, neither does the proof of canonicity. Says Dorner (Christian
Doctrine 1.96), “The testimony of the Holy
Spirit gives us no immediate information upon the historic origin of a book,
upon its source in an inspired author. It gives us no divine certainty as to
the manner and method in which certain writings have arisen in history, so
that it will not do to found the certainty of the truth and divinity of
Scripture upon the experience of the divinity of the form of Holy Writ.”
With this Westminster Confession 1.5 agrees in mentioning as the first of
the grounds of a historical faith in the Scriptures “the testimony of the
church” and making no mention at all of the inward teaching of the Spirit in
this connection. (See supplement 2.4.2.)
The history of the Old Testament canon is obscure, owing
to its very great antiquity. Were it a modern product, as some assert, there
would be more historical data.
That the books of Moses were collected and arranged
before Samaria was taken and the ten tribes carried away by the Assyrians
under Shalmaneser (724 b.c.)
is evident from the fact that the Samaritans must have obtained the
Pentateuch from the ten tribes and not from Judah. It is an ancient and
widely current tradition that Ezra made a complete collection of the books
of the Old Testament, excepting those few which were written after his time.
Another tradition, mentioned in 2 Maccabees 2:13, attributes this work to
Nehemiah. There is no good reason for doubting that upon the return from the
Babylonian captivity in 536 b.c.
the revision and collection of the Old Testament canon occurred. The same
divine guidance that brought about, in such an extraordinary manner, the
return of the Jews from their long captivity in the heart of Asia and the
restoration of the temple under Ezra and Nehemiah would naturally have led
to their re-collecting and reediting those sacred writings upon which the
future prosperity of the chosen people and the accomplishment of its mission
in the world absolutely depended. The Jewish church and state without the
Old Testament canon would have been a mere empty shell. In this redaction of
the Old Testament canon, the ancient and previously acknowledged writings of
Moses and the earlier prophets were of course accepted and to these were now
added the later writings up to the time of Ezra. The division was threefold:
Law, Prophets, and Hagiographa. It is the same that Christ refers to in Luke
24:44 under the names of law, prophets, and psalms. By “psalms” is meant the
whole third part or the Hagiographa. Josephus mentions this threefold
division in Against Apion
1.8. According to him the Law contains the “five books of Moses”: Genesis,
Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy; the Prophets comprise “thirteen
books”: Joshua, Judges with Ruth, Samuel, Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah with
Lamentations, Ezekiel, Daniel, the twelve Minor Prophets, Job, Ezra,
Nehemiah, and Esther; the Hagiographa includes “four books of Hymns to God”:
Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Solomon’s Song. In all there are
twenty-two books, equaling the number of the Hebrew alphabet. The Jews,
following the Talmud, now make the Hagiographa to consist of eleven books:
Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther,
Daniel, Ezra, and Chronicles.
Prideaux (Connection
1.5) is of the opinion that Malachi was written after the time of Ezra. He
argues also that the genealogy of the sons of Zerubbabel in 1 Chron.
3:19–24, being carried down to the time of Alexander the Great in 330
b.c., shows that this part of
Chronicles was composed subsequently to Ezra. “It is most likely,” he says,
“that the two books of Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, and Malachi were
added to the canon in the time of Simon the Just (300
b.c.) and that it was not
until then that the Jewish canon of the Old Testament was fully completed.
And indeed these last books seem very much to want the exactness and skill
of Ezra in their publication, they falling far short of the correctness
which is in the other parts of the Hebrew Scriptures.” Rawlinson, on the
contrary (Bible Commentary
on 1 Chron. 3:19–24), regards Prideaux as in error in reckoning thirty years
to a generation. He himself reckons only twenty, and attributes Chronicles
to Ezra, who died about 435 b.c.
“The style of Chronicles is like that of Ezra,” says Rawlinson. Movers makes
the date of Chronicles 400 b.c.
Ewald assigns it to the time of Alexander the Great in 336–323
b.c.
More is known respecting the manner of collecting the New
Testament canon, though no particular action in defining and authorizing it
can be mentioned until after it has become universally received in the
church.
The four gospels were from the first distinguished from
the apocryphal. Justin Martyr (163) speaks of “memoirs” of Christ as the
work of the evangelists. Irenaeus (202) cites passages from all four of the
canonical gospels (Against Heresies
2.22–24 and elsewhere). Clement of Alexandria (220) and Tertullian (220) do
the same. Tatian (175) and Ammonius (200) arrange harmonies of the four
gospels. Theodoret (457) found two hundred copies of Tatian’s harmony in the
Syrian churches, which he took away from them, because of some heresies it
contained. Neander supposes that Tatian mixed some things with the canonical
gospels from the apocryphal. Origen (250) writes a commentary on Matthew and
John. These facts prove the general acceptance of four and only four gospels
as canonical prior to a.d.
250. Yet there was no action of the church in a general council to this
effect.
The epistles began to be collected very early. Ignatius (To
the Philadelphians 5) speaks of the gospels
and the “apostolic writings.” The epistles were sent from church to church,
either in the original or in transcript. In Col. 4:16 Paul bids the
Colossians to send the letter he had written to them to the Laodiceans and
to obtain his letter to the Laodiceans and read it themselves. This custom
would naturally lead to the multiplication of copies and the collection by
different churches of the whole series of epistles as fast as they were
written.
The Vatican and Sinaitic manuscripts belong to the middle
of the fourth century (a.d.
325–50). The former contains all the gospels and all the epistles excepting
Philemon, Titus, 1-2 Timothy, Hebrews, and the Apocalypse. The latter
contains all the gospels, all the epistles, and the Apocalypse. The
Muratorian canon (a.d. 150) is
much older than these oldest uncials and mentions as accepted and canonical
the four gospels, Acts, thirteen epistles of Paul, two and perhaps three
epistles of John, Jude, and Revelation. And it is possible that 1 Peter is
mentioned (provided tantum1
is an error for unam).2
It mentions Hebrews, perhaps, under the title “Epistle to the Alexandrians.”
It omits 2 Peter and James.
The New Testament canon was thus collected and adopted by
the custom and usage of the churches, not by conciliar action. The formation
of a creed was similar; for the Apostles’ Creed was not the work of the
apostolic college. The first conciliar action respecting the canon was by
the Council of Laodicea in 360. This adopted the whole New Testament,
excepting Revelation. It was a small council and of little influence. The
councils of Hippo (393) and Carthage (397) established similar catalogues.
But there was little call for this conciliar action, because the practice
and usage of the church had already anticipated it.
S U P P L E M E N T S
2.4.1
(see p. 146).
In the instances in which a sacred book has no author mentioned, like the
Epistle to the Hebrews, it is claimed to be apostolic, that is, composed
under the superintendence of one of the Twelve. Respecting Hebrews, Calvin
remarks: “I include it without controversy among the apostolic epistles. As
to the question ‘who composed it?’ we need not trouble ourselves” (“Hebrews”
in Speaker’s Commentary,
3). Calvin here means that it is of no consequence who was the amanuensis,
provided an inspired apostle superintended him. Bleek (Introduction
to the New Testament
2.115) remarks that it was “within the circle of Paul’s friends and fellow
laborers that those early writers who did not admit Paul to be the
[immediate] author looked for the authorship, their choice lying between
Luke, Clemens Romanus, and Barnabas, to whom in modern times have been added
Sylvanus and Apollos.” The oriental church, from the first, ascribed this
epistle to St. Paul. The churches of Jerusalem, Palestine, Syria, Asia, and
Alexandria concurred in this opinion. The Council of Nicea received it as a
genuine work of St. Paul. “Doubts existed in the Western church,” says
Wordsworth, “concerning the Pauline origin of the Epistle to the Hebrews,
yet we have little evidence of distinct assertions that it was not written
by the apostle. The doubts of the West were dispersed in the fourth century
and did not appear again until they were revived by one or two persons in
the sixteenth.” Wordsworth, in his introduction to the Epistle to the
Hebrews, gives a full account of the opinions that have prevailed respecting
the authorship.
Respecting the anonymous books of
the Old Testament, their inspiration depends upon their having been composed
within the circle of the inspired prophets, the “holy men of God who spoke
as they were moved by the Holy Spirit.” And the principal voucher for this
is Ezra, who revised and settled the Old Testament canon on the return from
the exile: “That one final author and collector edited the books of Judges,
Ruth, Samuel, and Kings, as a whole, is to be concluded from many signs.”
Ezra stands in reference to the final form of the Old Testament, as a whole,
very much as Moses does in reference to the Pentateuch. He was an inspired
prophet who examined the questions of authorship and inspiration and whose
judgment was accepted by the Jewish church first and by the Christian
afterward as final and authoritative.
2.4.2
(see p. 147).
Belief in the canonicity of a sacred book being the result of historical
evidence comes under the head of historical faith, not of saving faith. This
explains the phraseology of some of the Reformed creeds. Belgic Confession
5
declares: “We receive all these books, and these only, as holy and
canonical, for the regulation, foundation, and confirmation of our faith;
believing, without any doubt, all things contained in them, not so much
because the church receives and approves them as such, but more especially
because the Holy Spirit witnesses in our hearts that they are from God,
whereof they carry the evidence in themselves.” Gallican Confession 4 says:
“We know these books to be canonical, and the sure rule of our faith, not so
much by the common accord and consent of the church as by the testimony and
inward illumination of the Holy Spirit, which enables us to distinguish them
from other ecclesiastical books, upon which, however useful, we cannot found
any articles of faith.” In these statements two forms and grades of belief
of divine revelation are mentioned, one weaker and one stronger. The first
results from “the common accord and consent of the church”; the second from
“the inward illumination of the Holy Spirit.” The former is “not so much” as
the latter; but it is something valid and of probative force, so far as it
extends. Saving faith itself depends upon it in some measure, because it
presupposes historical faith. The Holy Spirit does not work saving faith in
an infidel. The infidelity must first be removed. The historical evidence
and belief prepare the way for that illumination and teaching of the Spirit
by which saving faith is produced. Locke (Understanding
4.16.10) states the rule for the value of historical testimony as follows:
“Any testimony, the farther off it is from the alleged fact, the less force
and proof it has. A credible man
vouching his knowledge of it is a
good proof; but if another equally credible do witness it from his report,
the testimony is weaker; and a third that attests the hearsay of a hearsay
is yet less considerable; so that in traditional truths each remove weakens
the force of the proof.”
Channing (Evidences
of Christianity, 202)
answers the inquiry how we determine the genuineness of books in general, as
follows: “It is not necessary that we should ourselves be eyewitnesses of
the composition of a book. The ascription of a book to an individual during
his life by those who are interested in him and who have the best means of
knowing the truth removes all doubt as to its author. When the question
arises whether an ancient book was written by the individual whose name it
bears, we must inquire into the opinion of his contemporaries or of those
who succeeded his contemporaries so nearly as to have intimate communication
with them. On this testimony we ascribe many ancient books to their authors
with the firmest faith. There are many books of which no notice can be found
for several ages after the time of their reputed authors. Still, the fact
that as soon as they are named they are ascribed, undoubtingly and by
general consent, to certain authors is esteemed a sufficient reason for
regarding them as their productions, unless some opposite proof can be
adduced.”
Historical faith is the contrary
of skepticism. It is merely belief in the authenticity and canonicity of
Scripture and results from historical testimony and external evidence in
distinction from inward and experimental. A person may believe in the
genuineness and apostolic origin of the four gospels without the saving
faith in their teachings which is effected by regeneration. Yet this
historical faith precedes and is necessary in order to saving faith. A
person who is skeptical, asserting that the life of Christ is not the
product of the apostles but of forgers and unknown persons, cannot receive
Christ and his doctrines into his heart with saving faith. The divine Spirit
regenerates only those who stand upon the Christian position, not the
infidel, in respect to the historical credibility of the gospels. Tested by
this, that class of biblical critics who are infidel respecting historical
Christianity and historical Judaism cannot be the subjects of regeneration
nor have a spiritual comprehension of the Christian religion. What sympathy
had Spinoza and Strauss with St. Paul and St. Augustine? The schools of
infidel and rationalistic criticism destroy all saving faith in Christendom
because they destroy all historical faith. In making men unbelieving or
doubtful respecting the genuineness and historical credibility of the
several books of Scripture, they preclude that inward agency of the Holy
Spirit by which regeneration and saving faith are produced, because this is
never exerted in the mind of a skeptic as such. As matter of fact, vital
religion invariably dies out under such influence as that of Strauss,
Kuenen, Wellhausen, and their followers. Materialism and atheism prevail
extensively in those countries where this species of biblical criticism
occupies the professor’s chair and pulpit.