Bibliology
1 Revelation
and Inspiration
Bibliology (bibliou
logos)1
includes all the topics relating to the written revelation of God, namely,
the inspiration, authenticity, credibility, and canonicity of the Scriptures
of the Old and New Testaments. As has already been observed, this division
is not so strictly necessary as are the others to the integrity of a
theological system, yet since theological science depends for its validity
and credibility upon the contents of the Bible, it is requisite in order to
comprehensiveness to devote some preliminary attention to the authority of
these contents. The subject of inspiration, in particular, cannot well be
omitted.
The Scriptures are entitled a revelation, and hence it is
necessary first of all to define this term. It is employed in two senses:
(1) general or unwritten revelation and (2) special or written revelation.
General Revelation
Revelation in its general and wide signification is any
species of knowledge of which God is the ultimate source and cause. In this
sense, all that man knows intuitively is revealed to him; for even his
axiomatic knowledge does not originate from himself independently and apart
from his Creator. All that he knows in this manner, he knows through his
intellect, and this intellect is the workmanship of God. Man cognizes in
accordance with the laws of human intelligence, and these laws are
established by his maker.
General or unwritten revelation, consequently, includes
all that belongs to ethics and natural religion. In Scripture, that moral
and religious truth which man perceives immediately by reason of his mental
constitution is called “revelation.” For example, the knowledge of future
retribution possessed by the pagan is so denominated. “The wrath of God,”
says St. Paul, “is revealed (apokalyptetai)2
from heaven” (Rom. 1:18); and this wrath is subsequently described as
operating in the workings of an accusing conscience (2:15). The pagan’s
knowledge of the unity of God and of such attributes as eternity,
omnipotence, and sovereignty (theiotēs)3
is also represented as a divine teaching. “That which may be known of God
[in this intuitive manner] is manifest in them; for God has showed it unto
them” (1:19–20). This inward knowledge is also denominated a “law written in
the heart” (2:15), which has led to its being called an unwritten law.
Turretin (2.1, 6) denominates it “natural revelation.”4
Unwritten or general revelation, then, is a particular
form of human consciousness that is ultimately referable to God. It is
denominated by English writers the “moral” or “religious” consciousness, by
which is meant a mode of consciousness that relates to moral and religious
objects and truths and is determined by them. The Germans call it the
“God-consciousness,” meaning thereby a form of consciousness of which God is
the object. As the “sense-consciousness” denotes the sum total of all the
inward experience that results from the impression made upon man by the
material world, so the God-consciousness denotes the inward experience
resulting from the impression made by God upon the human spirit. This mode
of man’s consciousness not only has God for the object of it, but for the
cause of it. And this in two ways.
First, the object generally is the cause of the
subjective impression, by reason of the correlation between subject and
object. The objective coal of fire is the cause of the subjective sensation.
The consciousness of physical pain is not produced by an act of will. The
man is not the author of the sensation, but the object that causes it is. In
like manner, man’s consciousness of God is not produced by man’s volition
but by God as an object that impresses him. (See supplement 2.1.1.)
Second, God is not only the object of knowledge, but he
is also a personal and active agent who operates on the human mind so that
it shall have this knowledge of himself. In the phrase of St. Paul, God
“reveals” and “manifests” his being and attributes within the human spirit.
The coal of fire is the cause of the sense-consciousness, by the mere
correlation between itself and the physical sense. But God is the cause of
man’s knowledge of God not merely by the correlation between the two beings,
but also by a direct energy operating upon man. An irrational object like a
stone or a planet exerts no direct efficiency upon the cognizing mind of
man; and neither does a rational object like a human person. Sensation and
cognition, in these instances, result from a passive impression made by the
object. But in the God-consciousness, the object actively assists in the
cognition. God causes the human mind to know God by an inward and immediate
efficiency, in addition to the correlation which he has established between
the finite and infinite spirit. In St. Paul’s phrase, he “shows,” “reveals,”
and “manifests” himself.
The Scriptures go yet further than this and refer all the
operations of reason to the author of the human intellect. Nothing in human
consciousness is independent of God and isolated. God is the “Father of
lights” of every kind (James 1:17). God “shows” whatever is known by virtue
of the human constitution. Even human reason, which in the intuitions of
mathematics and in the laws of logic seems to be a self-sufficient faculty,
is represented in Scripture as dependent. Man is able to perceive
intuitively, only because the Supreme Reason illumines him. “The Logos,”
says St. John (1:4, 9), “is the light of men and coming into the world
enlightens every man.” “There is a spirit in man,” says Elihu who in this
instance speaks truly, “and the inspiration of the Almighty gives them
understanding” (Job 32:8).
Human knowledge, then, considered from this point of
view, is an unwritten revelation because it is not aboriginal and
self-subsistent but derived. It issues ultimately from a higher source than
the finite intelligence. Human reason has the ground of its authority in the
Supreme Reason. This is seen particularly in that form of reason which Kant
denominates “practical” and whose judgments are given in conscience. This
faculty has an authority for man that cannot be accounted for except by its
being the voice of God. If conscience were entirely isolated from the deity
and were independent of him, it could not make the solemn and sometimes
terrible impression it does. No man would be afraid of himself if the self
were not connected with a higher being than self. Of the judgments of
conscience, it may be said literally that God reveals his own holy judgment
through them. “Whence comes the restraint of conscience?” asks Selden (Table
Talk); “from a higher power; nothing else can
bind. I cannot bind myself, for I may untie myself again; an equal cannot
bind me, for we may untie one another. It must be a superior power, even God
Almighty.”5
The wide use of the term
revelation was more common in the patristic
church than it has been since. The first defenders of Christianity were
called to vindicate it against polytheism. They would naturally, therefore,
select for defense such of its truths as were more particularly combated by
paganism, such as the unity of God and the first principles of natural
religion generally. This led them to point out the grounds of these first
truths of morals and religion in the human constitution; so that the
distinction between natural and revealed religion though recognized was not
emphasized. All religious knowledge was represented as a revelation from
God, partly through the light of nature and partly in a supernatural manner
(Justin Martyr’s Apology
1.8, 18, 57 is an example of this). But when polytheism ceased to be the
great foe of Christianity and deism took its place, it became necessary to
lay special stress upon the distinction between unwritten and written
revelation. When the skeptic himself defended the claims of natural religion
and asserted the needlessness of the gospel, then the Christian apologist
was compelled to discriminate carefully between that knowledge which comes
to man in the structure of his mind and that which he receives through a
supernatural source and in a written word, in order to show the
insufficiency of the former to meet the wants of man as a sinner.
General or unwritten revelation, though trustworthy, is
not infallible. This differentiates it from the special or written
revelation.
In the first place, the ethical and religious teaching of
God through the structure of the human mind is vitiated more or less by
human depravity. (a) Sin darkens the intellect so that there is not that
clear perception which characterizes the angelic intuition and which was
possessed by the unfallen Adam. (b) Sin gives a bias to the will against the
truth so that even when there is an accurate perception there is an endeavor
to get rid of it. Men know God to be holy, but do not like to retain this
knowledge (Rom. 1:28). (c) Sin weakens the power of intuition itself. Vice
debilitates the spiritual and rational faculty by strengthening the sensuous
nature. (d) It is a part of the punishment of sin that God withdraws for a
time his common grace so that there is little or no intuitive perception of
moral truth. The human mind is left to sin: God “gave up to uncleanness
those who changed the truth of God into a lie” (1:24) and “gave them over to
a reprobate mind” (1:28).
Second, infallibility cannot be attributed to unwritten
revelation because of the limitations of the finite mind. Natural religion
cannot be any more trustworthy than the human intellect itself is.6
But the human intellect cannot be infallible unless it is preserved from all
error by an extraordinary exertion of divine power. That ordinary operation
of God in the human mind which is seen in ethics and natural religion,
though sometimes reaching a high degree of certainty and validity, never
reaches the point of absolute infallibility. Even when unwritten revelation
is rectified by written revelation, we cannot attribute to it the absolute
authority of the latter because the rectification is more or less imperfect.
The purest form of ethics and natural religion is to be found in
Christendom, not in paganism. The ethical system of Plato is not as correct
as that of Butler. But infallibility cannot be attributed to either, as it
is to the ethics of the Decalogue and the Sermon on the Mount (see Ursinus,
Christian Religion
Q. 92).
Third, unwritten revelation is inadequate to the needs of
man as a sinner because it does not include those truths which relate to
redemption. Its doctrines are sufficient only for a sinless being. Natural
religion is silent respecting the exercise of mercy. It reveals only law and
justice: orgē7
not agapē.8
St. Paul affirms that the wrath, not the compassion of God, is taught to men
in the workings of conscience. This is the fatal lack in all the natural
religions of mankind. Many current treatises on comparative religion are
erroneous and misleading here. It is frequently contended that Buddhism and
Confucianism are coordinate religions with Christianity because they teach
the golden rule and other principles of ethics. But this does not prove the
point. The distinguishing characteristic of Christianity is not the teaching
of sound ethics, but the offer of mercy through a divine mediator and a
radical change of human character. Christianity is gospel, not law; but
Confucianism and Buddhism, so far as they contain truth, are law, not
gospel. If it can be shown that Buddhism and Confucianism actually secure
the forgiveness and extirpation of human sin, then they may be classed with
Christianity. But there is no pardon and no regeneration in any religion but
that of Jesus Christ: “Who is he that forgives sins, but God only?” Hence
the modern Christian, like the primitive, cannot concede that Christianity
is merely one among several religions, merely one of the legitimate
religions.9
Christianity is an exclusive religion for man because it is the only
redemptive religion for him (Shedd, Theological
Essays, 374–76).
Special Revelation
In the common use of the term, revelation is employed in
the restricted signification and signifies the written word of God. The
contents of written revelation are as follows.
Scripture includes among its teachings those of unwritten
revelation, namely, the first truths of ethics and natural religion. It
assumes the validity of the doctrines of divine existence, unity of God,
immortality of the soul, freedom of the will, and future reward and
punishment.
But these doctrines as taught in Scripture differ from
the same doctrines as taught in Plato, for example, (a) by stronger evidence
and greater certainty. Immortality in the
Phaedo is a hope and aspiration; in the Gospel
of John it is the absolute assurance of personal knowledge and experience.
Christ is an eyewitness in respect to the other world and the other life.
The Son of Man speaks that which he knows and testifies that which he has
seen (John 3:11). These scriptural doctrines also differ from Plato’s (b) by
freedom from erroneous elements. Morality in the Decalogue and in the Sermon
on the Mount is not mixed with false ethics. Plato and Aristotle speak of,
for example, the destruction of sick infants and the community of wives (Republic
5); the justifying of slavery (Ethics
1.4–8) and of abortion; and the destruction of feeble offspring (Ethics
8.16). Natural religion in the unwritten form is vitiated by its connection
with the impure reason of man; in the written form, it is the pure reason of
God. The Bible gives an inspired statement of natural religion; Plato gives
an uninspired statement. The first is infallible; the second is more or less
trustworthy but not free from error. Whether polygamy is intrinsically
immoral cannot perhaps be determined by natural religion as deduced from the
human mind alone; but natural religion as enunciated by Christ makes
polygamy to be wrong: “From the beginning it was not so” (Matt. 19:8).
Christ teaches that monogamy is founded in the created nature and
constitution of man. Again, the monotheism of the Bible is without error;
that of natural religion is more or less vitiated—either in teaching too
much severity in God (as in paganism) or too much indulgence in him (as in
the deistical schools of Christendom).
Written revelation contains many truths and facts that
result from human observation and reflection. All that is historical in both
the Old Testament and the New is of this kind. The narrative, for example,
of the journeyings of the children of Israel is the record of eyewitnesses.
The history of the rise of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah as recorded in
the books of Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles is an account drawn from
contemporary sources. All that is geographical is of this kind; and all that
is chronological. The natural history of the Scriptures is also the product
of man’s observation.
But all of this biblical history, chronology, and
geography differs from corresponding matter in uninspired literature by
being unmixed with error. Biblical history is not legendary like that of
early Greece and Rome. Biblical chronology is not extravagant like that of
Egypt, as reported to Herodotus by the priests. Here the influence of
inspiration is very apparent. Moses was guided in collecting and composing
the historical narratives in the Pentateuch. Herodotus was not thus
preserved from error in gathering and writing his accounts of the Egyptians,
Persians, and Greeks. Says Hodge (1.155):
Many of the sacred writers
although inspired, received no revelation. This was probably the fact with
the authors of the historical books of the Old Testament. The evangelist
Luke does not refer his knowledge of the events which he records to
revelation, but says he derived it from those “who from the beginning were
eyewitnesses and ministers of the word” (Luke
1:2). It is immaterial to
us where Moses obtained his knowledge of the events recorded in the Book of
Genesis; whether from early documents, from tradition, or from direct
revelation. If the sacred writers had sufficient knowledge in themselves, or
in those about them, there is no need to assume any direct revelation. It is
enough for us, that they were rendered infallible as teachers.
The written word, besides the truths of natural religion
and the facts and truths that come within the ken of the ordinary human
intelligence, contains a series of truths that are altogether different from
these. These are the most important part of the contents of Scripture and
constitute the most strictly supernatural element in the written word.
Speaking generally, they are those truths and facts that relate to man’s
salvation from sin, namely, Trinity, creation and apostasy of man,
incarnation, and redemption. The doctrine of sin, though a fact of
consciousness and thus belonging also to natural religion, has in the
Scriptures certain features that imply special teaching, since human
consciousness unassisted could not discover them, namely, the account of the
temptation by Satan and the fall in Adam; and a profound analysis and
delineation of sin itself, such as is given in Rom. 7–8. The doctrine of
sacrificial atonement for sin is also a truth of natural religion; but the
Mosaic system of sacrifices, so peculiar in its features, was given by the
teaching of the Holy Spirit: “The Holy Spirit signified this, that the way
into the holiest of all was not yet made manifest, while the first
tabernacle was yet standing” (Heb. 9:8).
Nature of Inspiration
This twofold variety in the contents of the Bible
necessitates two varieties or modes of divine operation upon the human mind:
(1) inspiration and (2) revelation proper. The distinction between these two
is important, and the neglect of it has led to confusion.
Inspiration is like revelation in that it is a superhuman
influence upon the particular person selected to be the organ of the divine
mind. But inspiration goes no further than to insure freedom from error in
presenting that truth which has been obtained in the ordinary ways in which
men obtain truth, while revelation discloses new truth that is inaccessible
to the ordinary human mind. A man may be inspired and yet not reveal
anything. Much of the Bible is of this kind. But a man to whom a revelation
is communicated is also inspired to express and record it. Inspiration is
more of the nature of superintendence; revelation is more of the nature of
instruction and information.
The distinction between inspiration and revelation is an
old one. Edwards (Mysteries of Scripture)
marks the distinction in the following manner:
We ought to distinguish between
those things which were written in the sacred books by the immediate
inspiration of the Holy Spirit and those which were only committed to
writing by the direction of the Holy Spirit. To the former class belong all
the mysteries of salvation, or all those things which respect the means of
our deliverance taught in the gospel, which could not be known from the
principles of reason and therefore must be revealed. But to the other class
those things belong which either are already known from natural religion,
but are of service to inculcate duty on man and to demonstrate the necessity
of a revelation of the means of salvation; or all histories, useful to
illustrate and assure us of the doctrines revealed and which point out the
various degrees of revelation, the different dispensations of salvation, and
the various modes of governing the church of God; all of which are necessary
to be known in the further explanation of mysteries.
Claude Frassen, a Franciscan monk and theologian of the
seventeenth century, assumed three kinds of inspiration: (1) antecedent
inspiration10
or the revelation of things before unknown (this is revelation proper); (2)
concomitant inspiration11
or the security against error in the statement of truths or facts known in
the ordinary way (this is inspiration in distinction from revelation); and
(3) consequent inspiration12
or divine authority stamped by inspired men upon writings composed without
inspiration, for example, the gospels of Mark and Luke approved by Peter and
Paul (see Knapp, Theology,
introduction).
Lee (Inspiration,
lect. 1) has made the distinction with care, but he errs in contending that
it is not found in the older writers. Citing Quenstedt as one who holds the
mechanical theory, he quotes the following from him: “The matters which
Scripture contains were consigned to letters not only through assistance and
infallible divine direction, but, having been received, should be attributed
to the singular suggestion (suggestio),
inspiration (inspiratio),
and dictation of the Holy Spirit.”13
Here, evidently, suggestio
denotes “revelation” and inspiratio
denotes “inspiration.” In the same connection, Quenstedt speaks of “matters
altogether unknown naturally to the biblical writers; those that were indeed
naturally knowable but which, nevertheless, were actually unknown; and those
matters that not only were naturally knowable but which they actually
knew,”14
and brings them all under the head of inspiration.
Marking this distinction, the first position to be taken
respecting the Bible is that all of it is inspired. The original autograph
volume of inspiration was free from error. This does not mean that every
sentence or proposition in Scripture contains a truth. The words of Satan to
Eve (Gen. 3:4) were a falsehood. But those words were actually spoken, and
they are recorded with infallible accuracy. Some of the reasonings and
inferences of Job’s friends were false, but they occurred as they are
related by the inspired penman.
This theory of plenary inspiration has been the generally
received doctrine of the church. The following statement of Turretin (2.4.5)
contains it: “The sacred writers were so moved and inspired by the Holy
Spirit, both in respect to thought (res ipsas)15
and language, that they were kept from all error, and their writings are
truly authentic and divine.” Quenstedt defines in a similar manner:
“Scripture is infallible truth, free from all error; each and everything
contained in it is absolute truth (verissima);
be it doctrine, morals, history, chronology, topography, proper names.”
Similarly Hollaz remarks that “matters of genealogy, of astronomy, of
politics, though the knowledge of them is not necessary to salvation, are
yet divinely revealed [inspired], because they serve to interpret and
illustrate the truths that are necessary to salvation” (Hase,
Hutterus §44). These
theologians in these affirmations have reference to the original autograph.
The statement—be it doctrinal, historical, chronological, or geographical—as
it came from the inspired person himself was accurate. But they concede that
some minor errors have subsequently come into biblical manuscripts from
copyists and translators and that some have been introduced by critics and
exegetes. (See supplement 2.1.2.)
Westminster Confession 1.2.6 teaches that “all the books
of the Old and New Testament are given by inspiration of God, to be the rule
of faith and life” and that “our full persuasion and assurance of the
infallible truth and divine authority thereof is from the inward work of the
Holy Spirit, bearing witness by and with the word in our hearts.” The
scriptural proofs of the authority and infallibility of the Scriptures are
the following: “All Scripture is given by inspiration of God” (2 Tim. 3:16);
“God, who at sundry times and in divers manners spoke in times past unto the
fathers by the prophets, has in these last days spoken unto us by his Son”
(Heb. 1:1–2); “which things we speak, not in the words which man’s wisdom
teaches, but which the Holy Spirit teaches” (1 Cor. 2:13); “holy men of God
spoke as they were moved by the Holy Spirit” (2 Pet. 1:21); “search the
Scriptures” (John 5:39); “unto them were committed the oracles of God” (Rom.
3:2); and “look to the law and to the testimony” (Isa. 8:20).
The theory of plenary inspiration prevailed in the
patristic, medieval, and Reformation periods. Luther has sometimes been
cited as adopting a different view because of his opinion respecting the
authority of the Apocalypse and the Epistle of James. But he questioned the
canonicity of these portions of Scripture. All Scripture that he conceded to
be canonical, he held to be infallible.
The Christian fathers are sometimes said to have held a
loose view of inspiration. But the view of Augustine was certainly a strict
one, and it had high authority in the patristic and medieval churches. In
his Harmony of the Gospels
1.35 he says: “Christ is the head and his apostles are the members. Whatever
he wished us to read concerning his words and deeds, he ordered to be
written down as if with his own hands; and he who reads the narratives of
the evangelists will believe them as if he saw Christ himself writing by
their hands and pens.” (See supplement 2.1.3.)
Calixtus (1650), in Germany, introduced a less strict
middle theory according to which the sacred writers were preserved from all
error in regard to doctrine necessary to salvation but not in regard to
subjects that have no such importance. His view found few advocates in his
own day. Baumgarten (1725) reaffirmed it, maintaining that divine influence
preserved the sacred writers from error only so far as the purpose of a
revelation required, which is the salvation of the soul from sin; this
purpose, he said, would not be frustrated by unimportant errors in
chronology, history, topography, etc. During the nineteenth century, this
view has gained ground, particularly in Germany. Such evangelical
theologians as Tholuck, Twesten, and Müller adopt it. Dorner (Christian
Doctrine §59) accepts it in part: “There are
historical matters which stand in essential connection with the meaning and
spirit of revelation. In this case, inspiration does not apply merely to
nonhistoric eternal truths.” The theory is presented eloquently by Coleridge
in his Confessions of an Inquiring Spirit
(for a criticism, see Shedd, Literary Essays,
336–42). The objections to this middle theory of inspiration are the
following:
1. The primary and the
secondary matter in Scripture, such as doctrine and history, are so
indissolubly connected with each other that uncertainty in respect to the
latter casts uncertainty upon the former. If, for example, the history of
the residence of the Israelites in Egypt and of their exodus and wanderings
is mythical and exaggerated like the early history of Assyria and Babylon,
this throws discredit upon the Decalogue as having been received from the
lips of God on Sinai. If the history, geography, and chronology, in the
middle of which the doctrinal elements of the Pentateuch are embedded,
contain fictions and contradictions, these doctrinal elements will not be
accepted as an infallible revelation from God. The same reasoning applies to
the history and chronology of the New Testament. If the narrative by the
four evangelists of the crucifixion and resurrection of Christ is more or
less legendary, it will be impossible to secure for the doctrines of Christ
that undoubting belief which the church in every age has exercised in regard
to them. This is clearly perceived by the skeptic. Strauss well knew that if
he could succeed in proving the mythical character of the New Testament
history, he would have little difficulty in destroying human confidence in
the New Testament dogmas. To say that if the doctrines of Scripture are held
to be infallible it is of no consequence whether the history and geography
of Scripture are free from error is like Schenkel’s assertion that if the
spirit of Christ is with the church it is of no consequence whether his body
rose from the grave. It would be impossible for the church to believe that
the spirit of Christ dwells and operates in his people if the church at the
same time were denying or doubting that Christ rose from the tomb. The
primary and the secondary, the doctrinal and the historical elements of
Scripture stand or fall together. This is illustrated by a fact in the
history of rationalistic criticism:
[Graf] assigned a postexilian
origin to the great body of legislation found in Exodus, Leviticus, and
Numbers. The historical portion of this
Grundschrift16
he still maintained to be the oldest part of the Pentateuch. But here, as
Kuenen said, was the Achilles heel of his theory. Hence Riehm and others
insisted that he had no right to separate the legislative from the
historical portions unless he renounced the leading principles of analysis
as hitherto employed. Graf then yielded and announced his conviction that
the whole of the first Elohist, history as well as laws, is postexilian.
This view was afterward elaborated by Wellhausen. (Chambers,
Pentateuchal Criticism,
essay 1.14)
2. It is improbable that
God would reveal a fact or doctrine to the human mind and do nothing toward
securing an accurate statement of it. This is particularly the case when the
doctrine is one of the mysteries of religion. Such profound truths as the
Trinity, incarnation, vicarious atonement, etc., require the superintendence
and guidance of an infallible Spirit to secure an enunciation that shall not
be misleading. Hence it is more natural to suppose that a prophet or an
apostle who has received directly from God a profound and mysterious truth
inaccessible to the human intellect will not be left to his own unassisted
powers in imparting what he has received. Especially is it improbable that
communications from the deity would be veiled in extravagant and legendary
costume.
3. The middle theory of a
partial inspiration is more difficult to be maintained than is the theory of
plenary inspiration. Because if only a part of Scripture is infallible, it
becomes necessary to point out which part it is. If anyone asserts that
there are errors in the Bible, he must demonstrate them. This is an arduous
task. It is more difficult to prove that the narratives of the Pentateuch
are forgeries of later writers than to prove that they were composed by
Moses. No one can demonstrate that the history of the exodus is legendary.
The evidence for it as history is much greater than against it as fable. The
arguments in favor of the scriptural chronology are stronger than those
against it. If they were not, the chronology would long ago have been
rejected by the majority of students of the Bible; the number of believers
would have been as small as the existing number of skeptics.
It must be remembered that unsolved difficulties are not
equivalent to a proof of the falsity of Scripture. Because a particular link
in the chain of biblical chronology, for example, cannot now be put in, it
does not follow that this chronology as a whole is erroneous. The mere
absence of complete proof of the affirmative is not a proof of the negative.
When there is a strong body of proof for a proposition, the mere fact that
at a certain point the proof is weak or lacking is not sufficient to
discredit the demonstrative force of this body of proof. The fact that the
skeptic can ask a question which the believer cannot answer is not a proof
that the skeptic’s own position is the truth or that the believer’s position
is false. The unsolved difficulties respecting inspiration have often been
palmed off as positive arguments for his own position by the unbeliever.
In maintaining the plenary inspiration of the Bible, we
shall consider it first as containing matter that is revealed in distinction
from inspired. All such revealed truth is infallible, that is, free from
error.
Nature of Revelation
Revelation in the restricted sense, we have seen, denotes
the communication of truth or facts hitherto unknown to man and incapable of
being deduced from the structure of the human intellect or derived through
the ordinary channels of human information. It is generally indicated in the
Old Testament by such phraseology as the following: “The vision of Isaiah
which he saw concerning Judah and Jerusalem” (Isa. 1:1); “the burden of
Tyre” (23:1); “the word of the Lord that came to Jeremiah concerning the
dearth” (Jer. 14:1); “then was the secret revealed to Daniel in a night
vision” (Dan. 2:19; 10:1); “thus says Jehovah, Call unto me, and I will
answer you and show great and mighty things which you know not” (Jer.
33:2–3). In the New Testament, St. Paul describes a revelation as a species
of divine communication: “What shall I profit you, except I shall speak
either by revelation (en
apokalypsei)17
or by knowledge” (1 Cor. 14:6); “when you come together, everyone of you has
a doctrine, has a revelation (apokalypsin),18
has an interpretation” (14:26); “I will come to visions and revelations of
the Lord” (2 Cor. 12:1). The product of a revelation is denominated a
“mystery”: “We speak the wisdom of God in a mystery” (1 Cor. 2:7); “let a
man so account of us as stewards of the mysteries of God” (4:1); “behold I
show you a mystery” (15:51). A mystery is a truth or fact revealed without
an explanation of it. The Trinity is such. Oftentimes when a proof of a
revealed truth is demanded, it is really an explanation that is asked for.
The objector requires that the fact or truth be made clear to his mind, in
which case the mystery is at an end.
As an example of a revelation, consider 2 Thess. 2:3. St.
Paul here informs the Thessalonian church of a fact that had been divulged
to him from God, namely, that the second advent of Christ to the final
judgment will not occur until after a great apostasy in Christendom has
taken place. He could not have obtained the knowledge from any human source.
It was a secret which God disclosed to him. And it was infallible
information. The future history of the world will evince that it is. Other
examples of revelation are seen in the account of the resurrection of the
body (1 Cor. 15:35–55), the cessation of the work of redemption (15:24–28),
and the conversion of the Jews after the conversion of the Gentiles (Rom.
11:25. The account in Gen. 1 of the order and succession of events in the
creation of the world is a revelation. This is a history which is both
revealed and inspired. In this respect it differs from the history of the
exodus of the Israelites and similar histories in Scripture, which are
inspired but not revealed. There was no human observer to witness the
process of creation and to compose an account of it. The information of what
was done in the six days must have been imparted by the Creator himself, who
was the only actor and the only spectator. It could not have been derived
from human records or human science. Again the doctrine of the Trinity is a
truth not deducible by rational reflection, and therefore it is a
revelation. In this respect, it differs from the doctrine of the unity of
God. This latter is a truth capable of being inferred by the human
intellect, as St. Paul (Rom. 1:19) teaches, from a contemplation of the
works of creation outwardly and the operations of the human soul inwardly.
The Trinity is a part of written revelation; but divine unity is a truth of
natural religion or unwritten revelation. The doctrine of the Trinity as
stated in the Bible is both revealed and inspired; the doctrine of divine
unity as stated in the Bible is inspired but not revealed.
Again, the doctrine of vicarious atonement is a
revelation. The doctrine of personal atonement, namely, that the
transgressor must himself suffer, is a truth of natural religion; but that
another competent person may and will suffer for him is a truth only of
revealed religion. “The soul that sins, it shall die” (Ezek. 18:4) is
natural religion. Christ “was made a curse for us” (Gal. 3:13) and Christ
“is the propitiation for our sins” (1 John 2:2) is revelation. Whether God
will pardon sin and in what way he will do it can no more be determined by
a priori reasoning,
than it can be determined by a priori
reasoning whether another poet like Shakespeare will appear. It is a
question of fact and of intention on the part of God; and a fact must be
known either by history or by prophecy, which is history beforehand. And the
only historical statement respecting the fact that God will forgive sin is
that of God himself in written revelation. There may be conjectures and
hopes in regard to divine mercy, but no certain knowledge except by a word
from the divine lips. The exercise of justice being necessary, the fact that
it will be exercised, is a part of unwritten revelation. The wrath of God is
revealed in the human conscience (Rom. 1:18). But the exercise of mercy
being optional and contingent upon the divine will, the fact that it will be
exercised is a part of written revelation only.
To determine then how much of the Bible is revelation
proper and how much is only inspiration, we have but to examine its
contents. Anything in its pages that may indisputably be deduced by human
reasoning or be drawn from human sources of information is not revealed. But
everything else is. The genealogical tables in Matthew and Luke are not
revelation. Much of the historical narrative in the Old Testament and New
Testament is not revelation. Geographical and statistical data are no part
of revelation in distinction from inspiration.
Revelation in the restricted and technical use of the
term is not human education and development. When the human mind unfolds its
own powers and manifests its own internal resources, the product is human.
Philosophy, ethics, and natural theology are not an extraordinary
communication from the Supreme Reason. They are the evolution of finite
reason and the product of human inquiry and investigation. It is true that
inasmuch as the human intellect is the workmanship of God and its laws of
thinking are imposed by its author the result may be denominated a
revelation in the wide sense of the term. But while it is an unwritten
revelation, it is also a natural operation of the human mind. It has the
characteristics of the human mind and is associated with the darkness and
error of the fallen human mind. For apostasy has hindered the pure
development of the finite reason, so that while unwritten revelation is
sufficiently valid and trustworthy to render man inexcusable for his
polytheism and sensuality, it is not an infallible and unerring light.
The theory of Lessing, in his tract entitled
Education of the Human Race,
that revelation, meaning by it the Christian system, is education or human
development is exactly wrong. He regards the Scriptures as only anticipating
what the human mind could find out for itself, only more slowly and much
later. But the distinguishing truths of the Christian Scriptures are of such
a nature that they cannot be deduced from premises furnished by man’s
intellect. They are historical, not a priori.
They must be made known by testimony, not by reasoning. The mathematician by
mathematical calculation cannot discover in what order the different species
of creatures were made. The a priori
method can do nothing here. If any man had happened to be present and
witnessed the creative work, he could have reported what he had seen. But no
man can in an a priori
manner discover the way and manner in which the world was created.
Similarly, no man can deduce in an a priori
manner from the nature and structure of the human mind the doctrines of the
Trinity, incarnation, vicarious atonement, and redemption. These are not an
evolution of the human mind, but a disclosure from the divine mind.
For the same reason, revelation is not the product of
national education and development. The Old Testament is not Hebrew
literature in the sense that the Iliad
and Greek drama are Greek literature. The whole Hebrew nation was not
inspired by the Holy Spirit, but only a chosen few individuals in it. The
merely natural and national development of the Hebrew mind produced the
Targums and Talmud and the rabbinic literature generally, not the Old
Testament Scriptures. The latter were the work of Moses, Samuel, David,
Isaiah, and others—a small circle of Hebrews who were selected out of the
Hebrew nation and supernaturally taught in order that they might instruct
their own people and through them all other peoples. The sacred writers
claim this for themselves, and it was conceded by the nation (see Josephus,
Against Apion
1.8). That the Old Testament Scriptures are merely one of the literatures of
the world, the work of the Hebrew nation and not a special revelation, is
the postulate and foundation of all rationalistic criticism. Says Maurice (Moral
and Metaphysical Philosophy, chap. 1):
The Old Testament is not the
history of men’s thoughts about God, or desires after God, or affections
toward him. It professes to be a history of God’s unveiling of himself to
men. If it is not that, it is nothing; it is false from beginning to end. To
make it the history of the speculations of a certain tribe about God, we
must deny the very root of any speculations which that tribe ever had. For
this root is the belief that they could not think of him, unless he had
first thought of them; that they could not speak of him, unless he were
speaking to them.
An error of the same general nature is found in some
evangelical critics, such as Weiss, for example. In his
Biblical Theology of the New Testament
he assumes that the gospels were primarily the product of the primitive
church as a whole, not of the apostolic circle exclusively. In its first
form, the life of Christ was a narrative floating about in the first
Christian brotherhood and not a narrative composed directly or indirectly by
four apostles under the guidance of inspiration. The primitive account of
Christ’s words and deeds was very fragmentary and was subsequently
supplemented and worked over into the four gospels as the church now has
them. There was an original Mark, from which the present Mark was derived,
and that original came from the oral tradition of the first Christian
brotherhood: “Our Synoptic Gospels in their present form are probably of
later origin than most of the other books of the New Testament, and it is
possible that many sayings of Jesus have been taken up into them which were
either altogether, or at least in their present shape, foreign to the
earliest tradition. The Johannean tradition is altogether excluded from the
earliest tradition” (Weiss, Theology of the New
Testament §§10-11). This view makes the life
of Christ to be the product not of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, but of the
primitive church; and this requires this church to have been divinely guided
in describing the life and actions of Christ, if the description is an
infallible one. Accordingly, the advocates of this view do not claim that
the biography of our Lord is free from error, though truthful in the main.
But the fact in the case is that the first Christian
brotherhood obtained all the knowledge it had of the life of Christ from its
instructors and guides, the apostles. The Christian brotherhood came into
existence only because the apostles related what they had seen and heard
during their discipleship and intercourse with the ascended Redeemer. The
twelve apostles were expressly commissioned by their master to prepare an
account of his life and teachings and were promised divine aid and guidance
in doing it (Matt. 10:5–20; John 14:25–26; 15:13–15). This important work
was not left to the random method of an early ecclesiastical tradition—a
method that would inevitably have mingled legend with true history, as is
seen in the apocryphal gospels. This theory of Weiss and others is exposed
to the same objection that the Protestant urges against the Romish view of
ecclesiastical tradition. To go back to a fallible tradition of the first
Christian brotherhood for the life of Christ, which is the foundation of
Christianity and of Christendom, is like going back to the fallible
tradition of the Romish church for Christian doctrine and polity.
That the gospels had an apostolic not an ecclesiastical
origin is proved by the fact that there was a
didachē tōn apostolōn19
in which the first brotherhood “continued” (Acts 2:42). This was the common
narrative of the twelve apostles respecting the life, teachings, and
miracles of their Lord. This common oral account given by the Twelve, “which
from the beginning were eyewitnesses and ministers of the word” (Luke 1:2),
some of the brotherhood attempted to commit to writing (anataxasthai
diēgēsin;20
1:1); and to prevent the errors that would inevitably creep into the life of
Christ by this method, Luke under the superintendence of Paul writes the
third gospel. In order that the original number of eyewitnesses might be
kept full after the death of Judas, a twelfth apostle was chosen out of
those who had “companied with them all the time that the Lord Jesus went in
and out among them.” Matthias was chosen and ordained as an apostle “to be a
witness of Christ’s resurrection” (Acts 1:22). This testimony “with great
power gave the apostles” in witnessing “of the resurrection of the Lord
Jesus” (4:33). This
didachē tōn apostolōn21
was committed to writing by those four of the twelve apostles to whom the
four canonical gospels have been attributed by the church for nearly twenty
centuries. These four evangelists put into a fixed form the oral gospel
which the Twelve had been teaching in their missionary work. The four were
the agents of the apostolic college, in doing what Christ commanded them to
do when he promised “to bring all things to their remembrance whatsoever he
had said unto them.” Justin Martyr, as early as 160, expresses the common
belief of the church on this point when he says that “the apostles in the
memoirs composed by them, which are called gospels, have thus delivered unto
us what was enjoined upon them” (Apology
1.66; see Presbyterian Review,
Jan. 1887: 164–67). (See supplement 2.1.4.)
Infallibility of Inspiration
That the Bible as containing revealed truths and facts is
infallible is allowed by those who hold the middle theory of inspiration.
All truths and doctrines of Scripture that are necessary to salvation are
certainly without mixture of error and are the infallible rule of faith and
practice. It is not therefore the fact of infallible revelation that is
disputed, but the fact of infallible inspiration. We turn to the
consideration of this, which is the more difficult part of the general
subject.
Inspiration is not sanctification. It is the operation of
the Holy Spirit upon the human mind for the purpose of conveying religious
truth to mankind. It has therefore a certain resemblance to regeneration in
having a divine author and source. But it differs from it in that the aim is
not to impart holiness but information. Inspiration is intellectual, while
regeneration is spiritual. When the Holy Spirit inspires a person, he does
not necessarily sanctify him; he only instructs him and conveys truth by
him. Balaam was inspired temporarily upon a certain occasion: “The Lord put
words into his mouth” (Num. 23:5). And all that he said while under the
influence of the Lord was free from error. Caiaphas also was temporarily
inspired: “This he spoke not of himself, but prophesied” (John 11:51); and
the prophecy was fulfilled. Nay more, even an animal may be employed as the
organ through which God conveys truth to men, as was the case with Balaam’s
ass: “The Lord opened the mouth of the ass” (Num. 22:28); and her
expostulation was full of sense and truth. The ass made no mistake in
anything she said to Balaam. The divine message through her, as an
instrument, was infallible. In the same manner, even a piece of unconscious
matter like the pillar of cloud or the burning bush may be employed as the
medium of a theophany and of divine instruction through symbols. (See
supplement 2.1.5.)
This shows that inspiration is only intellectual
illumination and is entirely distinct from sanctification. If inspiration
involved sanctification, the degree of each must be equal, and infallibility
in knowledge would require sinlessness in character. Most of the organs of
inspiration were in point of fact good men: “Holy men of God spoke as they
were moved by the Holy Spirit.” None of them however were sinless and
perfect men, and yet they were infallible. They had a perfect knowledge on
the points respecting which they were inspired, but they had not a perfect
character. Peter was inspired, but he was defective in character and was
rebuked by Paul for his inconsistency in conduct. If we compare the result
of the apostolic council related in Acts 15 with the individual action
subsequently of Peter spoken of in Gal. 2:11–13, we see that the same person
may as an imperfectly sanctified man recede from a position which he had
taken previously as an inspired man. The decision of the council respecting
the Mosaic ceremonial law was the teaching of the Holy Spirit; but the weak
yielding of Peter to the demands of Jewish Christians was the working of
sinful imperfection—of which Peter subsequently repented under the fraternal
rebuke of Paul. Solomon was inspired to teach a certain class of truths,
mainly ethical in distinction from evangelical, but his religious character,
particularly in his old age, has led some to doubt his salvation. (See
supplement 2.1.6.)
The fact that inspiration is instruction, not
sanctification, and that revelation is an objective information from God
which does not depend on subjective characteristics in the person chosen as
the medium of communication explains how it is that a volume containing the
most profound views of God and man that have yet been published on earth
could have been produced among a people comparatively low in knowledge,
civilization, and culture. The Hebrews were inferior to the Greeks and
Romans in merely humanistic characteristics: inferior in literature, art,
and science. They produced very little in these provinces. But nothing in
Greek or Roman theology and ethics will compare with the Scriptures of the
Old Testament. The Decalogue is the highest of moral codes; but Moses was
the leader and head of a half-civilized and degraded body of Egyptian
slaves. Had his theological and religious knowledge been only that which his
own environment in Egypt at the court of Pharaoh would have furnished, he
could no more have composed the Decalogue or the account of the creation in
the opening of Genesis than he could have composed
Hamlet or the
Principia. The immense
disparity between the Old Testament as a book and the Hebrew people as a
nation shows that the knowledge of God and divine things contained in the
former, but wanting in the latter, came ab extra.22
It was communicated from on high. (See supplement 2.1.7.)
Inspiration is not omniscience.23
The operation of the Holy Spirit does not impart all truth to the inspired
mind, but only a portion of it. And it is religious truth that is
principally conveyed. The Holy Spirit communicates secular truth only so far
as this is necessary to the imparting of religious truth: “The Scriptures
principally teach what man is to believe concerning God, and what duty God
requires of man” (Westminster Larger Catechism 5). They teach secular and
scientific truth only in subserviency to this.
Again, the knowledge of one inspired man may be less than
that of another. There is a gradation in imparting religious truth. In the
beginning of the old economy, the Holy Spirit disclosed the doctrine of the
incarnation only to that extent in which it is seen in the promise
respecting the “seed of the woman.” The doctrine continues to be divulged
with increasing details, until in Isaiah it is greatly widened and enlarged.
In the New Testament, the doctrine is as fully revealed as it will be, until
the vision of the church by faith becomes the vision face to face. The
Apostle John knew more than Moses respecting the preexistence, incarnation,
and death of the Son of God. Yet the latter was infallibly inspired upon all
points respecting which he has said anything. But he has not spoken upon as
many points as St. John has. (See supplement 2.1.8.)
Inspired truth is not necessarily completely
comprehensible. A doctrine or fact may be infallible and yet mysterious.
Because the Bible is not level to human intelligence in all its teachings,
it does not follow that it is not free from error. In 1 Pet. 1:10–11, the
Old Testament prophets themselves are described as “inquiring and searching”
into the meaning of the prophecies taught them by the Holy Spirit: The
“sufferings of Christ and the glory that should follow” are points that are
mentioned.
Defining inspiration positively, it may be described as
the influence of the Holy Spirit upon a human person whereby he is
infallibly moved and guided in all his statements while under this
influence. The general notion is that of an
afflatus.24
There is an inbreathing of the Holy Spirit upon the human spirit. The
epithet employed by St. Paul (2 Tim. 3:16) is
theopneustos.25
The consequence is an inward impulse and actuation of the mind: “Holy men of
God spoke as they were moved (carried along,
pheromenoi)26
by the Holy Spirit” (2 Pet. 1:21).
This contains (a) suggestion of matter both as to thought
and language (aiding the memory is included in this; John 14:26),27
(b) impulse to speak or write, and (c) direction by which the mind is
preserved from error. We are aided in conceiving of the operation of the
Holy Spirit in inspiration by its analogy with his operation in
regeneration: (a) it violates no laws of thought; (b) it leaves the
individual peculiarities as it finds them; and (c) it is thorough and all
pervading. Hence it affects the language as well as the thought.
At this point, there is a difference of opinion among
those who hold to plenary inspiration; some affirming and some denying the
doctrine of verbal inspiration in connection with it. Everything depends, in
settling this question, upon the view taken of the connection between
thought and language. If words are merely arbitrary signs of ideas, like the
algebraic symbols plus and minus—mere marks having no affinity with the
ideas and not prompted by them—then an idea might be suggested by
inspiration without any prompting or suggestion of a word to express it.
Thought and language in this case are wholly diverse and disconnected, and
if words are given to the prophet by which to exhibit the wordless thoughts
that have been started in his mind, it must be by dictation. Dictation is
the standing objection to verbal inspiration. Upon this theory of language,
it is assumed that the two processes of thinking and expressing thought can
each go on by itself independently of the other and that the thought does
not naturally and inevitably prompt the word. When an author dictates to a
scribe, the scribe does not go through the mental process along with the
author, any more than does the typesetter in setting up type or any more
than does the parrot in repeating human words. The scribe does not think the
author’s thoughts along with him, but mechanically writes down what he hears
with his ear. In this instance, the ideas and the words for the scribe are
entirely separated from each other. If this be the true theory of the
relation of language to thought, then verbal inspiration would be dictation.
But if it be held that there is a natural affinity and a
necessary connection between thought and language, then whatever prompts
thought prompts language, and an influence upon one is an influence upon the
other. The suggestion of ideas inevitably involves the suggestion of words.
Thought and language upon this theory are inseparable, so that when the Holy
Spirit inspires a prophet, the mind of the prophet is so moved that he not
merely thinks, but utters his thinking in language that is suitable and
simultaneously inbreathed and prompted along with the thought. Both alike
are theopneustic.28
This is wholly different from dictation. Dictation separates thought and
language; verbal inspiration unites them. Verbal inspiration is the truth if
thought is prior to and suggests language; but not if language is prior to
and suggests thought. The inspired writer in this latter case does not have
the thought until he has had the word, and the word is dictated to him by
the Spirit, not prompted in him by the inspired thought in his own mind.
That words are not arbitrary signs of ideas, having no
natural connection and affinity with the ideas expressed by them, is
proved …
1. By Scripture: According
to the Bible, an idea and its word are the same thing essentially. They are
human thought in two different modes or forms. When a thought is in the
mind, or unuttered, it is an idea. When that same thought is out of the
mind, or uttered, it is a word. An idea is an internal word; and a word is
an external idea. To speak is to think externally; and to think is to speak
internally. Accordingly, the Scriptures denominate thinking internal
speaking: “The fool has said in his heart, there is no God” (Ps. 14:1);
“begin not to say within yourselves” (Luke 3:8); “afterward he said within
himself” (18:4). In these instances, thinking is mental speaking, and
consequently speaking is vocal thinking. With this agrees our own modern
usage. In common parlance, when men utter their thoughts in words, they are
said to “think aloud.” In Greek,
logos29
signifies both reason and word. Reason is internal thought (logos
endiathetos);30
word is external thought (logos
prophorikos).31
2. By comparing the sounds
of human language with other sounds: Human language is not mere unmeaning
noise, like the sounds in material nature, such as that of falling water or
of thunder. These sounds have no sense or signification for the human
reason. Nor is human language like the cries of animals or the singing of
birds. These sounds, though approaching nearer to human speech than do the
sounds of material nature, yet contain no intellectual ideas or conceptions.
They are thoughtless inarticulate cries, not language proper. But the sounds
of every human language are thoughtful and waken thought. They are not mere
sounds, but sounds filled with sense and meaning for the human mind (see
Torrey, Theory of Fine Art,
236). (See supplement 2.1.9.)
3. By the fact that shades
of an idea suggest varieties of words: This explains the origin of synonyms.
The author of Proverbs denominates the second trinitarian person Wisdom; St.
John denominates him Reason. The two phases of the revealed idea suggest the
two different terms for it.
4. By the fact that men
think in words: (a) If an Englishman reads or speaks the French language,
his thinking is connected with English words alone, unless he has made the
French language as familiar as his own and can think in it. Before he can
grasp the idea, he must transfer it from the French word to the
corresponding English one. Not until this process has been gone through is
he master of the thought. Here, thought is necessarily connected with
language. The following from a work of fiction illustrates this:
Madame de Lalouve spoke very good
English indeed, and her accent, especially, was all but faultless, but she
had the defect of thinking in French and translating afterward into our
vernacular, and hence her speech occasionally lapsed into Gallic idioms and
turns of language. It was quite otherwise with that other linguist whose
nickname was Chinese Jack. He was one of those polyglot talkers who are
possessed of the rare gift of thinking in any articulate tongue, from Hebrew
to Japanese, and therefore of expressing his thoughts as a Malay or a
Persian or a Spaniard would do and not as a scholar with an elaborate
acquaintance with the language would do.
(b) Intense thinking often causes audible wording or
phrasing of the thought, for example, whispering or speaking aloud to
oneself. (c) The mute person attempts to utter his thoughts in an
inarticulate murmur or sound of some kind. His ideas struggle for utterance,
implying that an idea is incomplete without its word. (d) A tribe of men
without an articulate language, if such could be found, would be without
human ideas. Their range of consciousness would be like that of the brutes.
Sometimes a particular word is found to be wanting in a language, and it is
also found that the particular idea is wanting also. The missionary Riggs
reports that the Dakota language contained no word for one-quarter or
one-eighth and so on because the people had no idea of such fractions. They
stopped with the notion of one-half in their calculations and went no
further mentally:
Only one word exists—hankay,
half. We missionaries in writing out and improving the language can say
hankay-hankay, the half
of a half; but the tribe do not. Besides
hankay,
there is nothing but the word for a piece. But this is an indefinite word
and not suited for the certainties of mathematics. The poverty of the
language has been a great obstacle in teaching arithmetic. But the poorness
of the language shows their poverty of thought in the same line.
5. By the fact that a
peculiar kind of thought expresses itself spontaneously in a particular kind
of phraseology: Poetic thought suggests and prompts poetic forms of
language; philosophic thought suggests and prompts philosophic forms; etc.32
Scripture itself asserts verbal inspiration: “I have put
words in your mouth” (Jer. 1:9); “I will give you a mouth and wisdom [i.e.,
both language and thought]” (Luke 21:12–15); “it is not you that speak, but
the Spirit of your Father which speaks in you” (Matt. 10:20); “they spoke as
the Spirit gave them utterance” (Acts 2:4); “holy men spoke as they were
moved by the Holy Spirit” (2 Pet. 1:21). Words are carefully selected by the
inspired mind under divine guidance. In John 10:35 stress is laid upon the
use of the word gods
as applied to prophets and magistrates; and in Gal. 3:16 upon the use of the
singular seed not
the plural seeds.
The neuter is employed instead of the masculine when the idea of the
impersonal becomes of great consequence; for example,
to gennōmenon hagion33
(Luke 1:35) and
hen34
instead of heis35
(John 10:30).36
In Phil. 2:6
morphē theou37
is used instead of
ousia theou38
because the idea is that of a particular trinitarian person, not of the
divine essence simply. In John 17:24 the Textus Receptus reads
hous dedōkas,39
and the uncials read
ho dedōkas.40
If the idea in the mind of the inspired writer was that of the church as a
collective unity, the thought suggested the word
ho.41
If it was that of particular individuals, the thought suggested the word
hous.42
(See supplement 2.1.10.)
The objections urged against the plenary inspiration of
the Bible are the following.
There are discrepancies and errors in the history,
geography, and chronology. In replying to this objection, it is to be
remarked in the outset that the correction of a book by itself is different
from its correction by other books. There is only apparent error in the
first case; in the second there is real error. If the witness himself while
upon the stand explains satisfactorily certain variations in his own
testimony, this does not invalidate his testimony. But if another witness
contradicts or corrects him, this awakens doubt and may invalidate. (See
supplement 2.1.11.)
Now it is a fact that many of the difficulties of which
we are speaking do not arise from a discrepancy between the Bible and other
books, but between parts of the Bible itself. For example, 2 Kings 8:26
asserts that Ahaziah was twenty-two years old when he began to reign, and 2
Chron. 22:2 asserts that he was forty-two years old at that time. One of
these must be corrected by the other. Again, Luke relates that one of the
malefactors reviled Christ, and the other did not; Mark says that “they that
were crucified with him reviled him”; and Matthew that “the thieves also
which were crucified with him” insulted him. These variations can be shown
to be consistent with one another by comparing Scripture with Scripture, as
is done in the ordinary harmonies of the gospels. It is plain, in reference
to such seeming discrepancies, that inasmuch as each sacred writer knew what
had been said by his predecessors, what appears to be contradiction to a
modern reader must have been none for the original author. He evidently was
not aware of any real discrepancy. For had he been, he would either have
referred to it and harmonized it with his own or else would have avoided it
altogether by verbally conforming his own statement to that of his
predecessor.
The Bible then is self-rectifying. The book furnishes the
materials for its own verification. This is wholly different from
rectification from human sources, such as profane literature. When Scripture
explains or if need be corrects Scripture, the divine explains and verifies
the divine; inspiration explains inspiration; spiritual things are compared
with spiritual (1 Cor. 2:13). But if Scripture requires to be explained and
corrected by human authorities, then the divine is rectified by the human.
In the fist case, the error is only seeming; in the last, it is real.
Another preliminary remark is that minor and unessential
variations are positive proofs of truthfulness in a witness. Had the gospels
been forged, there would not have been even seeming discrepancies, because
pains would have been taken to avoid them. Discrepancies of a certain kind
are sure proof of an absence of collusion and previous agreement between the
evangelists. Variations are not necessarily contradictions. The testimony of
witnesses in court who agree in the general is not rejected because of some
unessential diversity. If each witness exactly and parrotlike repeated the
other’s testimony, he would be suspected for the very reason of exact
similarity. There may be too much agreement between witnesses as well as too
little.
Minor variations, consequently, are not inconsistent with
plenary inspiration. As they are compatible with a true account, they are
also compatible with an infallible account. In saying that the Holy Spirit
inspired both Matthew and John in writing a memoir of Christ it is not meant
that he guided them in such a way that each related the very same incidents
in the very same manner and in the very same words—that he inspired them to
produce two facsimiles. But the meaning is that he guided each in such a
manner that the individuality of each writer was preserved in the choice of
incidents, in their arrangement, and in the phraseology; and yet in such a
manner that neither writer attributes to Christ a parable which he did not
teach, a miracle which he did not work, or describes him as concerned in
occurrences with which he really had nothing to do. Luke’s order differs in
some particulars from that of Matthew, but this does not prove that there is
historical error in either of them. A biographer may know the actual and
true order and yet alter it for logical or rhetorical reasons. He may, for
such reasons, throw together in one group a series of parables or miracles
which were spoken or wrought at different times, and still his account of
the parables and miracles cannot be charged with mistake because the
grouping is apparent on the face of his narrative.
Four different persons may be inspired to relate the
biography of Christ and may produce four narratives that are infallible or
free from error, without mentioning the very same incidents, in the very
same order, in the same degree of detail, and in the same phraseology. The
objector oftentimes seems to suppose that infallibility means not only
freedom from error, but such an identity of statement as would amount to a
facsimile. The inscription on the cross is an example: “This is Jesus, the
King of the Jews” (Matthew); “The King of the Jews” (Mark); “This is the
King of the Jews” (Luke); “Jesus of Nazareth the King of the Jews” (John).
Now if infallibility means freedom from error in the statement actually
made, and not the exclusion of every kind of variety in the manner of
stating a fact, and so the production of a mere facsimile, these four
reports are infallible. Mark is not in error when he says that the
inscription was “The King of the Jews.” These words were in the inscription,
as the other reports show. He states the truth, though not the whole truth.
Had he said in addition that these were the
ipsissima verba43
and were all the words, he would have stated an error. (See supplement
2.1.12.)
From the list therefore of alleged discrepancies and
errors must be deducted all such as Scripture itself enables the reader to
correct. To these belong:
1. Errors of copyists:
“Azaziah was twenty-two years old when he began to reign” (2 Kings 8:26)
compared with “forty-two years old when he began to reign” (2 Chron. 22:2).
According to 1 Sam. 6:19 50,070 men were slain for looking into the ark; 70
men probably being the number (Speaker’s
Commentary in loco). Says Rawlinson
(“Introduction to Chronicles” in Speaker’s
Commentary):
The condition of the text of
Chronicles is far from satisfactory. Various readings are frequent,
particularly the names of persons and places which occur in different forms
not likely to have been used by the same writer. Numerous omissions are
found, especially in the genealogies, where sometimes important names have
dropped out; and sometimes the names which remain do not agree with the
numerical statement attached to them. But the most important corruptions are
in the numbers in Samuel or Kings, sometimes unreasonably large, and
therefore justly suspected. Other defects are a derangement in the order of
the words and the substitution of a more familiar term for one less known.
2. Errors in translation.
3. Discrepancies which
greater fullness of detail in the narrative would remove:
brevis esse laboro, obscurus fio,44
says Horace. A harmony of the four gospels that removes every difficulty
without exception is probably not possible because of the sketchlike nature
of the narrative. The gospels are memorabilia and were called
apomnēmoneumata45
at first. A series of memoranda, though agreeing in principal features, are
generally difficult to reconcile in all particulars. The conciseness and
brevity of one evangelist at a particular point sometimes makes it difficult
or even impossible to show his agreement in this particular with another
evangelist who is fuller at this point. But no evangelist ever differs so
greatly from the others as to destroy his own historical credibility or that
of the others. Differences sometimes arise from silence on the part of a
writer, and these are alleged to be contradictions. Mark and John give no
account of the miraculous conception of Christ by the Holy Spirit, yet both
of them imply it. He is a supernatural and divine person for them both.
There is nothing in Mark and John that contradicts the miraculous
conception. John gives no account of the institution of the Lord’s Supper,
but he records conversations of Christ that involve the fact (see John
6:45–58). Two inspired narratives may be each infallible and yet one contain
more information than the other. Had Matthew, for example, related two of
Christ’s temptations in the desert and omitted the third, while Luke related
all three, both accounts would have been inerrant, provided that Matthew had
not positively asserted that there were only two temptations. There would be
no just ground for saying that the two accounts contradicted each other. It
is not necessary that an inspired person should know all things or even
report all that he does know; but only that what he does report should be
true. The evangelists were permitted and thus inspired to omit some
incidents in Christ’s life; for it is improbable that the contents of the
four gospels contain all that the four evangelists knew concerning him:
“There are also many other things which Jesus did, the which, if they should
be written everyone, I suppose that even the world itself could not contain
the books that should be written” (John 21:25).
4. Discrepancies arising
from a general statement by one witness and a particular statement by
another and sometimes by one and the same witness: Matthew 27:44 and Mark
15:32 say that the thieves crucified with Christ reviled him. The reference
here is to a class of men. Luke 23:39–43 says that one of them reviled him
and the other did not. He enters into detail, as the other evangelists do
not. According to Acts 9:7 the companions of Saul heard the heavenly voice
but “saw no man”; according to 22:9 they saw the light but “heard not the
voice.” The very same person, namely, Luke, who made the first statement
made the last and was not aware of any contradiction between the two. In the
first passage an indistinct sound from heaven is intended, as in Matt. 24:31
(salpingos phōnē);46
in the last passage articulate words are meant. The companions of Saul saw
the light, but not a human form; they heard a sound, but not intelligible
language.
5. Difficulties arising
from an incorrect interpretation of Scripture: The explanation of the word
day in Gen. 1 is
a marked instance. Exegetes for many years interpreted it to mean a day of
twenty-four hours, thereby bringing Genesis and geology into collision. But
so far as the text is concerned, there is full right and reason to explain
it as a period. This was the first interpretation, because it was the most
natural one. The patristic exegetes so understood the word. Says Whewell (Inductive
Sciences 1.286):
The meaning which any generation
puts upon the phrases of Scripture, depends more than is at first sight
supposed upon the received philosophy of the time. Hence while men imagine
that they are contending for revelation, they are in fact contending for
their own interpretation of revelation. At the present day, we can hardly
conceive how reasonable men should have imagined that religious reflections
in Scripture respecting the stability of the earth, and the beauty and use
of the luminaries which revolve around it, would be interfered with by the
acknowledgment that this rest and motion are apparent only.
6. Difficulties in
biblical chronology arising from the fact that the sacred writer does not
give a full list of all the names in a series but only a selected list:
Sometimes he omits the name of the son and passes to that of the grandson or
great-grandson, whom he calls a “son.” In Gen. 46:16–18 three
generations—sons, grandsons, and great-grandsons—are all called the “sons”
of Zilpah. The genealogical tables of the Jews were drawn up artificially.
That of our Lord by Matthew is an example. Fourteen names are selected in
each of the three periods mentioned. But it would be a great error to infer
that Matthew intended to teach that there were exactly fourteen generations,
no more and no less, in each of these periods, and should calculate the time
accordingly (Gardiner, Harmony
1.39). The evangelist took the catalogue of names given in the temple
records and modified it to suit his purpose. This method makes it impossible
for one living many centuries later to construct a biblical chronology that
shall be mathematically precise down to a year or a score of years. Only an
approximation was intended by the writer himself and the Holy Spirit who
guided him. Sometimes in quoting, a round number is given instead of the
exact. Stephen says 400 for 430 in Acts 7:6 (Speaker’s
Commentary in loco). In addition to this,
there is the difference between the Hebrew text from which the modern
versions have been made and that from which the Septuagint version was made.
There is a difference of fifteen hundred years. Which is the original text?
Only the original is the inspired text. But while the biblical chronology is
only approximately, not mathematically accurate, it does not follow that it
is erroneous. There can be no mathematically exact chronology. The
scriptural chronology is free from the fatally damaging error which
characterizes all the early ethnical chronology—namely, of attributing an
immense antiquity to man and nations. The inspired writers bring all human
history within a period of six thousand or eight thousand years. In so
doing, they teach no error. This chronology is confirmed by the monuments
and records of Assyria, Babylon, and Egypt (“Introduction to Kings” and
“Hosea” in Speaker’s Commentary;
Beecher in Presbyterian Review,
July 1881).
7. Difficulties arising
from attributing to the sacred writer statements that are not his, but which
he merely records: These make a large list and furnish some of the most
specious objections to the doctrine of plenary inspiration. It is objected,
for example, that the discourse of Stephen in Acts 7 contains chronological
and other errors. Even if this can be made out, these errors are not
imputable to Luke who reports the discourse. Stephen is indeed said to have
been “full of the Holy Spirit” (6:5), and so is Barnabas (11:24). But
neither of them belonged to the apostolic college of infallible teachers of
the church. This is one of a multitude of statements in Scripture, both of
fact and of opinion, whose authorship is not referable to the inspired
writers who merely report them.
8. Variations in citations
from the Old Testament in the New: These are neither errors nor
contradictions, because the variation is intended by the New Testament
writer. The statement of Davidson in the earlier edition of his
Hermeneutics expresses the
catholic opinion: “Every mode of quotation has been employed, from the
exactest to the loose; from the strictly verbal method to the widest
paraphrase; but in no case is violence done to the meaning of the original.”
In the later editions of his work, Davidson recedes from this position and
agrees with the rationalist, who affirms that the meaning of an Old
Testament passage is sometimes wrested in quotation by St. Paul. Immer (Hermeneutics)
so asserts. That a New Testament writer quotes an Old Testament passage by
way of accommodation does not disprove his inspiration. He may be divinely
guided to do this, as well as to quote strictly. The passage which he cites,
even if not taken in its first and strictest sense, is yet suited to teach
the particular truth which he is inspired to convey. An apostle may adapt a
text to his present purpose, as a preacher may, provided the text as so
adapted aids him in imparting truth, not error. The same remark holds
respecting verbal variation in quoting. That a New Testament writer quotes
Moses ad sensum47
and not ad verbum48
does not prove that he is uninspired and fallible upon the subject which he
is presenting.49
(See supplement 2.1.13.)
Respecting the difficulties in Scripture that are still
unsettled, it is to be noticed that there is no alleged error in doctrine,
history, chronology, and physics that has been demonstrated to be such so
irrefragably that it is absurd to attempt a reply. There is no list of
conceded errors in Scripture. There are perplexities remaining, but while
there is not an instance in which the controversy with the skeptic has
resulted in establishing the fact of undoubted error in revelation, there
are many instances in which it has resulted in demonstrating its truth and
accuracy. The skeptical criticism to which the canon has been subjected for
a period of nineteen centuries has strengthened, not weakened, the doctrine
of plenary inspiration. The discoveries in Nineveh, Babylon, and Egypt, in
particular, evince this.
The infallibility of Scripture is denied upon the ground
that it contains a human element. The human is fallible and liable to error.
If therefore the Bible has a human element in it, as is conceded, it cannot
be free from all error. This is one of the principal arguments urged by
those who assert the fallibility of Scripture.
This objection overlooks the fact that the human element
in the Bible is so modified by the divine element with which it is blended
as to differ from the merely ordinary human. The written word is indeed
divine-human, like the incarnate Word. But the human element in Scripture,
like the human nature in our Lord, is preserved from the defects of the
common human and becomes the pure and ideal human. The human mind alone and
by itself is fallible, but when inspired and moved by the Holy Spirit
becomes infallible because it is no longer alone and by itself. The written
word, in this respect, is analogous to the incarnate Word. The humanity of
Christ, by reason of its assumption into personal union with the eternal
Logos, while remaining really and truly human, is yet not the ordinary
sinful humanity. It is perfectly sanctified humanity, free from sin.
Similarly, when the Holy Spirit inspires a human mind, though this human
mind is not freed from all sin, because inspiration is not sanctification,
yet it is freed from all error on the points involved. It is no longer the
fallibly human, but is infallible upon all subjects respecting which it is
inspired to teach. The inspired human differs from the uninspired human,
similarly as the human nature that is united with the second trinitarian
person differs from the human nature that is found in an ordinary man.
Christ’s human soul thought and felt like a real man, but without sin. The
divine-human, in this instance, is sinless. Isaiah’s human mind when under
inspiration thought and perceived like a real man, but without error. He was
not without sin; for inspiration does not sanctify. But he was infallible;
for inspiration enlightens without any mixture of untruth. (See supplement
2.1.14.)
The “human element” in Scripture means that an inspired
man in perceiving and conveying truth employs his own human mind, his own
native language, the common figures of speech, and exhibits his own
individual peculiarities, but without misconception and error upon the
subject of which he treats because his human mind is actuated and guided by
the divine mind. The doctrine, both ethical and evangelical, which the human
mind under this superhuman influence teaches is infallible. The history
which it relates is according to facts and unmixed with legend. The physics
which it sets forth contains no pantheism or polytheism. The chronology
which it presents has no immense and fabulous antiquity, like that of Egypt
and India.
Those who contend that the Bible is fallible because it
contains a human element commit the same error, in kind, with those who
assert that Jesus Christ was sinful because he had a human nature in his
complex person. Both alike overlook the fact that when the human is
supernaturally brought into connection with the divine it is greatly
modified and improved and obtains some characteristics that do not belong to
it of and by itself alone. When the Logos would assume a human nature into
union with himself, this nature was first prepared for the union by being
perfectly sanctified by the Holy Spirit in the miraculous conception. And
when the Holy Spirit selects a particular person—Moses, Samuel, David,
Isaiah, John, Paul—as his organ for communicating religious truth to
mankind, he first makes him infallible, though he does not make him sinless.
Consequently, the human element in the prophecy or the history or the dogma
which this inspired person gives to the church is not a fallible element
because it is blended with the divine element of inspiration and kept free
from human error.
A second objection urged against the doctrine of plenary
inspiration is that there is a conflict between the biblical physics and
natural science.50
Upon this subject, the following is to be remarked:
1. The inspired writers
were permitted to employ the astronomy and physics of the people and age to
which they themselves belonged, because the true astronomy and physics would
have been unintelligible. If the account of the miracle of Joshua had been
related in the terms of the Copernican astronomy; if Joshua had said “earth
stand still” instead of “sun stand still,” it could not have been
understood. The modern astronomer himself describes the sun as rising and
setting.
2. If the inspired writers
had distinctly and formally represented the popular physics of their day to
be the absolute and scientific physics for all time (as they represent the
gospel to be the absolute and final religion for all time), if they had
endorsed and defended the Ptolemaic astronomy, this would have proved them
to be fallible and uninspired. But this they never do. Except in a few
places which we shall specify, the Bible does not commit itself to any
system of physics. The purpose of the Scriptures, says Baronius, is “to
teach man how to go to heaven, and not how the heavens go.” The sacred
writers employ the geocentric physics in their descriptions of natural
phenomena, as Kepler and Newton do when they speak of sunrise and sunset,
but they nowhere set forth this popular physics as revealed and infallible
truth. Because the sacred writer (Josh. 10:12–14) describes the sun as
standing still, it does not follow that he taught Ptolemaic astronomy. He
had no particular astronomical system whatever in view. Kepler so understood
him:
The only thing which Joshua prayed
for was that the mountains might not intercept the sun from him. It had been
very unreasonable at that time to think of astronomy, or of the errors of
sight and sense; for if anyone had told him that the sun could not really
move on the valley of Ajalon except only in reference to sense, would not
Joshua have answered that his desire was that the day might be prolonged, so
it were by any means whatever. (Kepler,
On Rash Citations from Scripture;
Stanley, Jewish Church,
1st series, 277)
Lord Bacon (Advancement of
Learning, 2), alluding to “the school of
Paracelsus and some others that have pretended to find the truth of all
natural philosophy in Scripture,” remarks that in so doing
they do not give honor to the
Scriptures as they suppose, but much embase them. For to seek heaven and
earth, in the word of God, whereof it is said “heaven and earth shall pass
away, but my word shall not pass,” is to seek temporary things among
eternal; and as to seek divinity in philosophy is to seek the living among
the dead, so to seek philosophy in divinity is to seek the dead among the
living; neither are the pots or lavers, whose place was in the outward part
of the temple, to be sought in the holiest place of all, where the ark of
the testimony was seated. The scope or purpose of the Spirit of God is not
to express matters of nature in the Scriptures otherwise than in passage,
and for application to man’s capacity, and to matters moral or divine. (See
supplement 2.1.15.)
3. At the same time,
physical science is to some extent taught by revelation and recorded by
inspiration. It is erroneous to say that the Bible commits itself to no
physics whatever. Certain truths and facts in regard to the material
universe were revealed to some of the writers of the Bible, and these have
infallibility. Most of these disclosures relating to physics are made in the
beginning of the Scriptures. The Book of Genesis contains the principal of
them. The Holy Spirit having revealed as much respecting the material world
as seemed good to him, preparatory to his revelations respecting the
spiritual world, is afterward silent. Christ himself, “by whom all things
were made and without whom was not anything made that was made,” makes no
further disclosures than those which were granted to Moses.
The positive and distinct teachings of revelation in the
opening of Genesis respecting the physical universe differ remarkably from
the popular physics of the ancient world. Moses does not present a cosmogony
like that of Assyria, Egypt, India, Greece, or Rome. His idea of the
relation which matter sustains to God is wholly different from that of even
as deep a thinker as Plato.
Among the peculiarities that distinguish the revealed
physics are the following:
1. The doctrine of
creation ex nihilo,
in sharp contrast (a) to the eternity of matter in atheism, (b) to emanation
from the deity in pantheism, and (c) to fanciful fabrications by a multitude
of gods in polytheism. If the sacred writers had been left to themselves,
their physics would have been tinctured with one or all of these. But there
is nothing of these theories in the Bible. The doctrine of creation from
nothing appears everywhere: “In the beginning God created the heaven and the
earth”(Gen. 1:1); “before the mountains were brought forth or ever you had
formed the earth and the world, even from everlasting to everlasting you are
God” (Ps. 90:2); “the Lord possessed me in the beginning of his way, before
his works of old or ever the earth was. When there were no depths I was
brought forth. Before the mountains were settled, before the hills, was I
brought forth: while as yet he had not made the earth, and the highest part
of the dust of the world. When he prepared the heavens I was there, when he
set a compass upon the face of the earth, when he gave the sea his decree,
then I was by him as one brought up with him” (Prov. 8:23–30); “where were
you when I laid the foundations of the earth?” (Job 38:4); “all things were
made by him” (John 1:3); “God calls those things which be not, as though
they were” (Rom. 4:17); “by him were all things created that are in heaven
and that are in earth, visible and invisible” (Col. 1:10). Mosheim, in a
learned dissertation annexed to his translation of Cudworth (ed. Tegg
3.144), shows that none of the heathen philosophers taught that the world
was created ex nihilo.
2. The absolute
independence of God in relation to the universe: He is before all things and
by him all things exist. This is in marked contrast to the common view in
the ancient physics and in the skeptical schools in modern physics. In the
physics of Plato and Aristotle, the deity is conditioned by the
hylē,51
though a comparatively lofty and spiritual view of the deity is held. In the
cruder physics of Lucretius, mind is wholly subject to matter. The deity is
not a free and independent being, so far as the material universe is
concerned. Material law rules everything, so that a supernatural act is
impossible.
3. The absolute
omnipotence of God in relation to the universe: Forces and laws of nature
are under his entire control. They can be originated or altered or suspended
by their Creator. This feature is also utterly antagonistic to the natural
science of the ancient world (see Isa. 40:12, 15, 22; Ps. 104).
4. In the opening chapters
of Genesis, the order of creation that is given is wholly different from
that in the heathen cosmogonies: The Mosaic account begins with the origin
of light. Had man been left to conjecture whether the principle of life was
originated before that of light, he would have been in doubt which to place
first in the order. Moses places it second. Even when the Mosaic account is
adopted, there is a propensity to alter it. Coleridge (Table
Talk for 30 April 1823), after remarking that
the Zendavesta
must have been copied in parts from the writings of Moses, says that “in the
description of creation, the first chapter of Genesis is taken almost
literally, except that the sun is created before the light, and then the
herbs and the plants after the sun: which are precisely the two points they
did not understand, and therefore altered as errors.” A theorist having only
the ordinary data would unquestionably have placed the sun in the heavens
before he placed grass, herbs, and trees upon the earth. Moses would
naturally have done the same if his information had been merely human. God
revealed the fact to him as it actually was. And physical science now finds
a geological period of warm-water oceans, dense mists, and high temperature
extremely favorable to vegetable life and growth long before the sun was
able to penetrate the thick and dark vapor with its rays. Again, a theorist
might very naturally have placed the creation of marine life on the third
day in connection with the gathering together of the waters and the
formation of the seas and oceans. The element in which fishes and reptiles
live would suggest their origination. But Moses places it on the fifth day
in connection with the creation of air animals and man. The order and
succession of creative acts as represented by Moses evinces its originality.
It is not copied from human schemes, but often runs counter to them. But
this difference and contrariety proves that the biblical account of the
creation proceeded from a different source from that of Egyptian or Hindu or
Greek and Roman cosmogony.
The Scriptures, then, as an inspired sum total, are to be
referred to God as their author. They are not a national literature like
that of Greece, Rome, or England. This view, ably presented by Ewald, makes
the Bible merely the development of a national mind, in which case
infallibility and authority could no more belong to it than to any other
national literature. But the Bible was not produced by the Hebrew nation. It
was the product of a select number chosen from time to time out of the
nation and specially informed and inspired by God. The Old and New
Testaments were composed by a college of prophets and apostles, not by the
people of Israel. Inspiration belongs to an inspired circle of Hebrews, not
to the Hebrews generally. Moses and Samuel and David and Isaiah and their
inspired associates were enlightened by the Holy Spirit in order that they
might impart to the people to which they belonged a knowledge that was
otherwise inaccessible to that people and to all peoples. It is true that
the Bible is tinged with Hebrew coloring. It is not a Latin or an English
book. And this, because the inspired persons through whose instrumentality
it was originated were Hebrews. But this does not prove that the truths and
facts which it contains were derived merely from the operation of the common
national mind.
The infallibility and authority which distinguish the
Scriptures from all other books are due to divine authorship. But God
employed various modes in this authorship: “God, who at sundry times and in
divers manners (polymerōs
kai polytropōs)52
spoke in times past unto the fathers by the prophets, has in these last days
spoken unto us by his Son” (Heb. 1:1–2). Here, the prophets of the Old
Testament and Christ, the subject of the revelation, are mentioned as the
media through whom the divine mind was communicated. To these must be added
the apostles of the New Testament.
The “divers manners” in which God made the communications
now included in the Bible are the following:
1. By a theophany or
personal appearance of God: (a) God appears in a form and directly speaks
words to an individual in his waking and ordinary condition (Gen. 18:1–17;
Exod. 3:4; 19:20); (b) God appears in a form and directly speaks to an
individual in a dream (Gen. 28:12); (c) God appears in a form and directly
speaks to an individual in an ecstatic vision (Ezek. 8:1); it is the second
person of the Trinity who appears in these theophanies and speaks words to
an individual; it is in this reference that he is called the Word (John
1:1), “image of the invisible God” (Col. 1:15), and the “express image of
the Father’s person” (Heb. 1:3) (cf. Edwards,
Work of Redemption 1.1; Owen,
Holy Spirit in Prayer, 2;
Martensen, Dogmatics
§125).
2. Without any theophany
or personal appearance of God: (a) by the high priest with Urim and Thummim
(Exod. 28:30; 1 Sam. 28:6); (b) by the prophets under an
afflatus (2 Kings 21:10; Rom.
1:2; 1 Pet. 1:11–12; 2 Pet. 1:21; 1 Cor. 2:13); and (c) by the apostles
under an afflatus (1
Cor. 2:13; Gal. 1:12; Eph. 3:3; 1 Thess. 2:13).
3. By the incarnation:
Christ’s communications of truth, in their manner, were like the direct
utterances of God in the theophanies of the Old Testament and not like those
indirect communications which were made through the prophets and apostles.
The Jehovah in the theophany was the same trinitarian person who is in the
incarnation. The theophany was the harbinger of the incarnation. God in the
form of angel, bush, or dove prepared for God in a human form. Christ
differed from the prophets and apostles in that he did not speak under an
afflatus but from
the divine nature itself. The eternal Word is the infinite fullness of all
knowledge: “That was the true Light” (John 1:9); “God gives not the Spirit
by measure unto him” (3:34). As Christ wrought miracles not as an agent but
as deity itself, so he spoke truth from himself and not as an inspired man
receiving it from God.
S U P P L E M E N T S
2.1.1
(see p. 86).
Under the general form of inspiration must be placed that of Bezalel. His
inventive skill and knowledge is attributed to God as its source: “I have
filled him with the spirit of God to devise cunning works” (Exod.
31:3–4). But more than such
knowledge, coming through the natural and acquired qualities of the mind, is
involved in the particular directions which Moses received in the mount
respecting the general form of the tabernacle and its furniture: “Look that
you make them after their pattern which was showed you in the mount” (25:40).
This direction is referred to again in
Exod. 26:30;
27:8;
Num. 8:4;
Acts 7:44;
Heb. 8:5.
This ocular vision of the form and figure of the tabernacle and its utensils
would fall under the head of special revelation, like the visions of Ezekiel
and St. John.
2.1.2
(see p. 91).
Plenary inspiration is opposed to partial inspiration. It means that all the
divisions of Scripture—history, chronology, geography, and physics, as well
as doctrine—were composed under the infallible guidance of the Holy Spirit.
The inspiration is full (plenus).
Partial inspiration limits the operation of the Holy Spirit to the doctrinal
part of the Bible, leaving the other parts to the possibility of error.
Verbal inspiration may be associated with either view or dissociated from
either. He who asserts plenary inspiration may affirm that the language is
inspired or deny that it is; and so may he who asserts partial inspiration.
The assertion or denial depends upon the view taken of the nature of
language and its relation to thought. He who regards the relation as natural
and necessary and holds that thoughts inevitably suggest words will hold
that inspired thought is expressed in inspired language. He who regards the
relation as arbitrary and artificial will hold that only the thought is
inspired. The elder theologians universally, like Turretin and Quenstedt,
held both plenary and verbal inspiration. And those who adopt the dynamic
theory of language should, logically, hold both.
2.1.3
(see p. 92).
Augustine teaches the inerrancy of Scripture in explicit terms: “It seems to
me that most disastrous consequences must follow upon our believing that
anything false is found in the sacred books; that is to say, that the men by
whom the Scriptures have been given to us and committed to writing did put
down in these books anything false. It is one question whether it may be at
any time the duty of a good man to deceive; but it is another question
whether it can have been the duty of a writer of Holy Scripture to
deceive—nay, it is no question at all. For if you once admit into such a
high sanctuary of authority one false statement as officially made, there
will not be left a single sentence of those books which, if appearing to
anyone difficult in practice or hard to believe, may not by the same fatal
rule be explained away, as a statement in which, intentionally and under a
sense of duty the author declared what was not true”
(Letter 28.3 to Jerome,
a.d.
394). “I have learned to yield such [absolute] respect and honor only to the
canonical books of Scripture; of these alone do I most firmly believe that
the authors were completely free from error. And if in these writings I am
perplexed by anything which appears to me opposed to truth, I do not
hesitate to suppose that either the manuscript is faulty or the translator
has not caught the meaning of what was said or I myself have failed to
understand it. As to all other writings, in reading them, however great the
superiority of the authors to myself in sanctity and learning, I do not
accept their teaching as true on the mere ground of the opinion being held
by them; but only because they have succeeded in convincing my judgment of
its truth either by means of these canonical writings themselves or by
arguments addressed to my reason” (Letter 82.3 to Jerome,
a.d.
405). “The Manicheans maintain that the greater part of the New Testament,
by which their wicked error is confuted in the most explicit terms, is not
worthy of credit because they cannot pervert its language so as to support
their opinions. Yet they lay the blame of the alleged mistake not upon the
apostles who originally wrote the words, but upon some unknown corrupters of
the manuscripts. Forasmuch, however, as they have never succeeded in proving
this by earlier manuscripts or by appealing to the original language from
which the Latin translations have been made, they retire from the debate
vanquished by truth which is well known to all” (Letter 82.6). “If you
recall to memory the opinion of our Ambrose and Cyprian on the point in
question, you will find that I have had some in whose footsteps I have
followed in what I have maintained. At the same time, as I said already, it
is to the canonical Scriptures alone that I am bound to yield such implicit
subjection as to follow their teaching without admitting the slightest
suspicion that in them any mistake or any statement intended to mislead
would find a place” (Letter 82.24).
2.1.4
(see p. 98).
Two general answers have been given to the question respecting the origin of
the four gospels. First, the oldest and most universal is that they had an
apostolic origin, being composed by the four authors whose names they bear,
who derived their information, two of them immediately and two of them
mediately, from personal intercourse with Jesus Christ during his ministry
upon earth. Two of them, Matthew and John, belonged to that company of
twelve apostles who were specially called and supernaturally endowed by
Christ to be the founders of the Christian church (Matt.
10:1–16;
Eph. 2:20);
and two of them, Mark and Luke, were secretaries under the superintendence
of Peter and Paul, who also belonged to the apostolic college. That Paul was
one of the Twelve is proved by
Rom. 1:1;
1 Cor. 1:1;
9:1;
15:3;
Gal. 1:1;
and elsewhere. According to this traditional view, each of the four gospels
has an individual origin like secular writings generally. As Plato was the
author of the Phaedo
and Thucydides of the
History of the Peloponnesian War,
so Matthew was the author of the first gospel, Peter-Mark of the second,
Paul-Luke of the third, and John of the fourth. The second and latest answer
is that the four gospels had an ecclesiastical origin. They sprang from oral
traditions concerning Christ that were current in the first Christian
brotherhood and were gradually collected and combined by persons whose names
are unknown. This view has been invented by the rationalistic and
pseudocritical schools in opposition to the historical and catholic and has
done more than anything else to destroy confidence in the inspiration and
infallibility of the life of Jesus Christ as recorded by the four
evangelists. The unproven assumptions and innumerable hypotheses which have
characterized the rationalistic schools of biblical criticism in Germany
since the time of Semler are due to the substitution of the ecclesiastical
origin of the gospels for the apostolic. So long as the life of Christ is
referred to four known and authorized persons, who from Justin Martyr down
are quoted by all the fathers as the inspired writers of the gospels, there
is no room for fancy and conjecture respecting its origin. The testimony of
the whole patristic literature can be cited to substantiate this view. But
the moment it is surrendered and the gospels are ascribed to unknown and
unauthorized persons who glean from the legends of the church, the way is
opened for capricious conjectures and assumptions for which no proof can be
furnished from the original manuscripts of the gospels or from the writings
of the primitive fathers and the history of the first centuries of the
Christian church and which have to be accepted upon the mere assertion and
assurance of their inventors. Of late years, and particularly at the present
moment, the rationalistic theory has worked itself considerably into the
church and is adopted by some otherwise evangelical scholars. There is,
indeed, a difference in spirit and intention between the rationalistic and
the “evangelical” critics who adopt the theory of a legendary origin of the
gospels—between Baur and Strauss, and Bleek and Weiss—but the fatal error of
deriving the life of Christ from unauthorized, uninspired, and unknown
sources cleaves to both alike. And the actual influence of the evangelical
critic of this class is more unsettling upon the belief of the church than
that of the rationalist and skeptic because error in a believer has more
influence within the church than error in an unbeliever has. There will be
no improvement in this evangelical class of exegetes until there is a return
to the apostolic origin of the gospels. We present the following objections
to the ecclesiastical origin of the gospels.
It was not the view adopted by the
ancient church, which was nearest in time to the composition of the gospels.
In classical philology, the consensus of the earliest ages weighs more than
the hypothesis of a late critic or school respecting the authorship of the
Iliad
and Aeneid
and the Greek and Latin literature generally. Philologists of all ages have
accepted these works as the productions of the individual authors whose
names have from the beginning been associated with them and not of unknown
collectors and editors, because of historical traditions that are as ancient
as those which ascribe the gospels to Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. An
attempt to set aside the traditional testimony and to substitute for it the
unproven conjecture of a modern philologist—that the Platonic writings are
not the work of the individual Plato but of a circle of unknown editors of
oral traditions about the teachings of Socrates—would meet with no credit.
The answer would be that the ancient opinion is far more probable than the
modern because coming from centuries that had better facilities than the
nineteenth for determining the authorship of poems and histories composed
two thousand years ago.
The ancient church, with a
unanimity even greater, perhaps, than upon any of the purely dogmatic
questions that arose among them, believed that the gospels had an apostolic
origin, not an ecclesiastical; that they were narratives of the life of
Christ prepared by those persons who “companied together all the time that
the Lord Jesus went in and out, beginning from the baptism of John unto that
same day that he was taken up” and who were “ordained to be witnesses of his
resurrection” (Acts
1:21–22). The details of
the proof of this cannot be given here. It was first collected and combined
by Eusebius and since the Reformation has often and again been collected and
restated by a multitude of learned scholars like Lardner and Michaelis. The
apostolic fathers Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Tertullian, Cyprian, Origen,
Eusebius, Jerome, and Augustine represent the opinion of the ancient church,
and they uniformly ascribe the four gospels to the four biographers whose
names then as now were connected with them in the church generally. These
fathers knew nothing of a canonical and commonly accepted life of Christ
composed by unknown persons out of ecclesiastical legends. The apocryphal
gospels, which were constructed in this way, they carefully distinguished
from the canonical and rejected as not authoritative for the church. Some of
the fathers, like Origen and Jerome, were trained philologists, and others,
like Irenaeus and Augustine, were men of strong and clear minds and
competent to weigh testimony; and none of them adopts such a theory as the
one in question. If there had been such editors and authors they would have
been contemporary with some of these fathers and would have been both
mentioned and combated in their writings.
The testimony of Irenaeus, whose
Against Heresies
was written
a.d.
182–88, to the apostolic authorship of the gospels is as follows: “The Lord
of all gave to his apostles the power of the gospel, through whom we have
known the truth, that is the doctrine of the Son of God; to whom also did
the Lord declare, ‘He that hears you hears me, and he that despises you
despises me and him that sent me’ ” (preface). “We have learned from none
others the plan of our salvation than from those through whom the gospel has
come down to us, which they did at one time proclaim
in public and at a later period,
by the will of God, handed down in the Scriptures to be the pillar and
ground of our faith. For after our Lord rose from the dead the apostles were
invested with power from on high when the Holy Spirit came down upon them,
were filled with his gifts, and had perfect knowledge [of the life and
doctrine of Christ]. Matthew also issued a written gospel among the Hebrews
in their own dialect [in addition to his original Greek gospel] while Peter
and Paul were preaching at Rome and laying the foundations of the church.
After their decease, Mark, the disciple and interpreter of Peter, did also
hand down to us in writing what had been preached by Peter. Luke also, the
companion of Paul, recorded in a book the gospel preached by him. Afterward,
John, the disciple of the Lord who also had leaned upon his breast, did
himself publish a gospel during his residence at Ephesus in Asia” (Against
Heresies 3.1). The
writer of this evidently knew nothing of a gradual origin of the gospels
from ecclesiastical traditions and by unknown authors. And his view,
declared within a century from the death of the last of the apostles, is
without an exception that of all the Christian fathers and of the patristic
church.
Says Thompson, “The quotations of
Justin Martyr from the gospels are about 110 from Matthew, 14 from Mark, 57
from Luke, and 29 from John—in all, more than 200. They are of every class:
exact verbal quotation, verbal quotation with some variation, and allusion
with little or no verbal agreement. The predominant mode is somewhat
inexact, as though the quotations were from memory” (“Introduction to the
Gospels” in Speaker’s
Commentary; see §§4-15,
32, 39, 43, 46, 52–57 for a thorough refutation of the legendary origin of
the gospels).
Neither do the skeptical and
heretical writers of the first four centuries take any different view of the
origin of the gospels. They, too, refer them to individual authors and to
the same that the church referred them. Gnostics like Basilides, Valentinus,
and Marcion and skeptics like Lucian, Celsus, and Porphyry agree with the
Christian fathers in ascribing them to the four evangelists. The two brief
quotations from John’s Gospel (1:9;
2:4)
contained in a fragment from Basilides (a.d.
110–20) found in the lately discovered treatise of Hippolytus have done as
much as any one thing to refute the conjecture of Baur and his school that
the gospels were the gradual production of two or three centuries, instead
of being the immediate product of the apostolic college. Strenuous attempts
have been made to invalidate this consensus of all classes of writers of the
first four centuries by modern theorists, among whom the author of
Supernatural Religion
is as ingenious as any. The garbled treatment to which he subjects the early
patristic literature, to serve the end he has in view, has been conclusively
exposed by the late Bishop of Durham. That this attempt is a desperate
effort on the part of this class of critics, because the testimony of the
ancient church is wholly against it, is evinced by the great number of their
hypotheses, the wearisome ingenuity of their conjecturing, their continual
correction and contradiction of each other, and their transiency. There is
no consensus among them and no permanence. They are born and die one after
another. The traditional view of the origin of the gospels, on the contrary,
is one and the same, harmonious and unchanging. From Eusebius down to the
latest apologist there is a single strong current of opinion which is not
diminished by any of the new facts arising from time to time but is
increased by them.
The gospels do not wear the
appearance of having been composed of legendary materials, put together by a
number of collectors and editors. They read like the productions of
individual authors. Each gospel has its own marked and striking
characteristics, indicative of an individual mind. These have been
abundantly analyzed and described by experts of all classes. A body of
collectors and editors, especially if their work ran through two or three
centuries, could not have so fused their materials and blended their mental
peculiarities as to make such a single and homogeneous impression.
The gospels are represented by
their authors as remembered by themselves, not as collected and received
from others. The matter is described as
anamnēsis:53
“His disciples remembered that Jesus had said this unto them” (John
2:22); “the Holy Spirit
shall teach you all things and bring all things to your remembrance,
whatsoever I have said unto you” (14:26;
cf. 12:16;
15:20;
16:4;
Luke 24:6;
Acts 11:16).
This is not the gathering up of traditions current among the Christian
brotherhood, but the careful narration of what the writers had themselves
seen and heard during their three years of daily intercourse with their
divine Lord, who had called and separated them from all other men to lay the
foundations of his church by composing for it the inspired writings which
must be its foundation and by overseeing its first organization. The Apostle
Peter tersely states the case: “We have not followed cunningly devised
myths, when we made known unto you the power and coming of the Lord Jesus
Christ, but were eyewitnesses of his majesty” (2
Pet. 1:16). St. Paul
represents his knowledge of Jesus Christ as independent even of the other
apostles and of course of the Christian brotherhood. He claims to be “an
apostle, not of men, neither by man, but by Jesus Christ” (Gal.
1:1); distinctly says: “The
gospel which was preached by me is not after man, for I neither received it
of man, neither was I taught it but by the revelation of Jesus Christ” (Gal.
1:11–12); declares that
immediately after his conversion he did not go “up to Jerusalem to them
which were apostles before him, but went into Arabia and returned again to
Damascus” and that three years after he “went up to Jerusalem to see Peter,
but other of the apostles saw he none, save James the Lord’s brother” and
that “fourteen years after he went up again to Jerusalem by revelation and
communicated unto them which were of reputation that gospel which he had
preached among the Gentiles” and that in the “conference” which he had with
the other apostles they “added nothing” to his knowledge of Jesus Christ or
his gospel (1:17;
2:16).
And, last, he boldly puts the question, challenging all denials, “Am I not
an apostle? Have I not seen Jesus Christ our Lord?” (1
Cor. 9:1). When, therefore,
St. Paul speaks of a tradition which he “received” (15:3),
he does not mean an ecclesiastical or even an apostolic tradition, but that
body of knowledge concerning Christ and Christianity which was
supernaturally “delivered” to him and “received” by him in those “visions
and revelations of the Lord” to which he alludes in
2 Cor. 12:1
and which he has recorded for the church in the Gospel according to Luke and
his epistles.
This “recollection” by the twelve
apostles of what Christ did and said during his public ministry did not
include all things, for the account would have been too voluminous for the
use of the church (John
21:25). It included only
(a) the events that were cardinal points in the Redeemer’s life and career,
namely, his conception, birth, baptism, temptation, crucifixion, etc.; (b)
those miracles that were connected with these events and with the more
remarkable of his discourses; and (c) the most important of his discourses.
Luke 1:1
calls a gospel narrative a “digest” (diēgēsis),54
and this term well describes them all, as does the term
Memorabilia
employed by Justin Martyr. In selecting, digesting, and arranging the
materials, the four evangelists who acted for the Twelve were under the
inspiration of the same Holy Spirit who had been promised to the apostles
collectively by their divine Lord “to teach them all things and bring all
things to their remembrance whatsoever he had said unto them” (John
14:26). This Spirit does
not make facsimiles. Hence, one evangelist selects some discourses and
miracles which another omits and arranges them differently. Miracles and
parables are grouped together because of didactic resemblance (Luke
9:12–13;
Matt. 13:3–4).
The synoptists dwell upon Christ’s existence in time, not his preexistence
in eternity. John reverses this. The synoptists speak of Christ as having
come and to come again at
the end of the world. John does not enlarge upon these points, though
mentioning them, but upon his divine nature as the Logos and as this is
manifested in the profound discourses of his last days. The synoptists are
full upon the Galilean ministry and John upon the Judean. The synoptists
particularly describe the miraculous conception and birth of Christ from a
virgin. John, though clearly affirming the incarnation of the Logos, omits
the details which had been given to the church by the other evangelists some
forty years previously and expends the main force of his inspiration upon
that infinite fullness of being and knowledge which fitted Jesus Christ to
be the way, the truth, and the life for fallen men.
It is important, in this
connection, to remember that the phrase
twelve apostles
is employed technically in the New Testament to denote the apostolic
college. In two instances, the “Twelve” are respectively thirteen and
eleven. In
Rev. 21:14 it is said that
the foundations of the New Jerusalem had “in them the names of the twelve
apostles of the Lamb.” It is not supposable that the name of St. Paul, who
was second to no apostle in founding the Christian church, was omitted. Here
the apostolic college is meant, which contained thirteen persons called and
set apart by Christ. Again, in
1 Cor. 15:5
St. Paul calls eleven apostles the Twelve (cf.
Matt. 28:16).
If the Twelve may be thirteen or eleven, they may also be four. Any part of
the college acting officially for the body may be denominated the Twelve.
The four gospels, composed by or under the superintendence of the four to
whom they have been ascribed from the very first, are thus the gospels of
the Twelve and have the authority of the whole circle.
The origin of the gospels is not
to be explained by the church, but the origin of the church by the gospels.
The preaching of the apostles made the first Christian brotherhood; they
could not, therefore, have obtained the matter of their preaching from the
brotherhood. The twelve apostles on the day of Pentecost began to proclaim
what they knew concerning Jesus Christ and his mediatorial work. This
knowledge they did not derive from traditions that were current among the
Jews and still less in the Christian church, for as yet there was none, but
from their own memory, supernaturally strengthened and guided by the Holy
Spirit, of what they had themselves seen and heard during the public
ministry of their Lord and master. This body of knowledge was the same as
that which makes the contents of the four gospels. Possibly it remained in
an oral form for a time, but from the nature of the case it must soon have
been committed to writing. The apostles well knew that their own lives were
liable to be cut short by the persecutions and martyrdom which their Lord
had foretold; that an accurate account of his ministry and teachings
depended upon them as his only inspired and authorized agents; and that they
had been positively commanded to give this account to the world. They began
to give it orally by public preaching and private instruction of their
converts and disciples and ended by putting it into a written form. This is
the natural method of authorship generally. An extemporaneous preacher, if
he deems his thoughts to be important and valuable, always desires to reduce
them, as soon as possible, to a form that will preserve them permanently. It
is in the highest degree improbable that those twelve divinely inspired and
authorized apostles, upon whose accurate account of Jesus of Nazareth the
founding, progress, and perpetuity of the Christian religion and the eternal
salvation of vast multitudes of human beings absolutely depended, would have
left that account to be prepared at haphazard by their converts, who not
only had no inspiration or authority for the work but who had not
“companied” with Christ in the days of his flesh and could not therefore
draw from their own recollections and who as imperfectly sanctified
Christians were full of ignorance and liable to misconception both of Christ
and Christianity. What kind of a life of Christ would have been produced
among a brotherhood like that to which St. Paul addresses his two epistles
to the Corinthians?
According to the pseudocritical
theory, all this is reversed. This assumes that the twelve apostles composed
no careful biography of their divine Lord; made no attempt to put it into a
fixed form that precluded the introduction of legendary matter; continued
while they lived to tell the story of the cross in a loose oral way, in
company with a multitude of other preachers from among their converts and
disciples, who must inevitably have mixed fancy with truth in their
narrations; and, dying, left the whole subsequent preparation of the life of
Christ to unknown persons who were to make it up gradually in the lapse of
perhaps a century or more out of the accretion of truth and fiction which is
sure to gather around a central figure. Such a dereliction of duty and such
a piece of unwisdom as this on the part of such a divinely called, inspired,
and miraculously endowed company as the twelve apostles of Jesus Christ is
incredible.
The narrative of the life of
Christ required inspiration in order to its preparation, and inspiration was
confined to the apostolic college. The ministry of Christ extended over
three years and a half. It was crowded with action and suffering, with
discourses and miracles. To reproduce these, each in its environment, with
sufficient fullness and accuracy from memory would be difficult even for
exceptional mnemonic power directly after their occurrence and still more
after ten or twenty years. The last discourses of Christ, recorded by John,
occurred more than fifty years previous to the date which is commonly
accepted for his gospel. If during all this time they had existed only in
the oral discourse of the apostle and his memory had not been helped by
written memoranda, how could he have reported them with such fullness after
the lapse of a half century without the aid of that Spirit who had been
promised to the apostles for such a purpose? And what would have been the
fate of those mysterious and fathomless utterances of the God-man in that
upper chamber and down the slope to Gethsemane if their preservation had
been left to the random repetition and recital of the Christian fraternities
from
a.d.
83 to
a.d.
80 or 90?
There is, furthermore, a kind of
information in the gospels which the apostles must have obtained from Christ
by word of mouth before his ascension or else by revelation after it,
because it was not witnessed by them. Baxter (Dying
Thoughts) refers to it:
“When the disciples awaked from sleep on the Mount of Transfiguration, they
saw Christ, Moses, and Elijah in converse. Did they hear what they said, or
did Christ afterward tell them? The latter is most probable. Doubtless, as
Moses tells us how God made the world, which none could tell him but by
God’s telling them first, so the apostles have written many things of Christ
which they neither saw nor heard but from Christ who told them by word, or
inspiration. How else knew they what Satan said and did to him in his
temptations in the wilderness and on the pinnacle of the temple? How knew
they what his prayer was in his agony? And so in this instance also.
Christ’s own testimony to them, either immediately on the Mount or
subsequently, was needed in order that they might know that the conversation
with Moses and Elijah related to Christ’s ‘decease which he should
accomplish at Jerusalem.’ ”
And not only the memory but the
judgment of the biographers of Jesus Christ required supernatural influence
and direction. The selection from the great abundance of materials in that
crowded and infinite life, so that each and all of the doctrines of the
Christian religion should get its basis and illustration in that life,
demanded an illumination from above. That very variety and diversity in the
choice and arrangement, which sometimes makes it difficult to harmonize the
four narratives, is really one of the signs that a higher mind than that of
any of the evangelists was seeing the end from the beginning and swaying
them by its
afflatus.
The apostles were inspired both as
biographers of Christ and as teachers of Christianity. Not only the
narrative of the life of incarnate God upon earth but the authentic and
complete statement of his doctrine was entrusted to them exclusively. No
authorship can be compared
with this in importance. The gospels are an infallible biography, and the
epistles are an infallible theology. The epistles of St. Paul are declared
to be contradictory to the gospels by rationalistic theologians, who contend
that true Christianity must be sought in the latter only. But the writings
of the apostle to the Gentiles, which have contributed as much as the
gospels themselves to the most universal form of Christianity, both
practical and theoretical, are only the full systematic statement of the
teachings of Christ himself. Those “visions” and “abundance of revelations”
from Christ which St. Paul asserts that he received are what gave him the
analytical knowledge of the cardinal truths of Christianity contained in his
epistles and his apostolic authority in the church universal. Without them,
Saul of Tarsus of the year 30 could no more have become Paul the apostle of
the year 50 than Confucius in twenty years could have become John Calvin by
natural evolution.
The relation of the New Testament
epistles to the four gospels is stated by Owen with his usual discrimination
(Justification by Faith,
7): “What the Lord Christ revealed afterward by his Spirit unto the apostles
was no less immediately from himself than was the truth which he spoke unto
them with his own mouth in the days of his flesh. The epistles of the
apostles are no less Christ’s sermons than that which he delivered on the
mount. The things written in the epistles proceed from the same wisdom, the
same grace, the same love, with the things which he spoke with his own mouth
in the days of his flesh and are of the same divine veracity, authority, and
efficacy. The revelation which he made to the apostles by his Spirit is no
less divine and immediately from himself than what he spoke unto them on the
earth.
“The writings of the evangelists
do not contain the whole of all the instructions which the Lord Christ gave
unto his disciples personally on the earth. ‘For he was seen of them after
his resurrection forty days and spoke with them of the things pertaining to
the kingdom of God’ (Acts
1:3). And yet nothing
hereof is recorded in their writings, except only some few occasional
speeches. Nor had he given before unto them a clear and distinct
understanding of those things which were delivered concerning his death and
resurrection in the Old Testament, as is plainly declared in
Luke 24:25–27.
For it was not necessary for them in that state wherein they were.
Wherefore, as to the extent of divine revelations objectively, those which
he granted by his Spirit unto his apostles after his ascension were beyond
those which he personally taught them, so far as they are recorded in the
writings of the evangelists. For he told them plainly not long before his
death that he had many things to say unto them which ‘then they could not
bear’ (John
16:12). And for the
knowledge of those things he refers them to the coming of the Spirit to make
revelation of them from himself: ‘When he the Spirit of truth is come, he
will guide you into all truth; for he shall not speak of himself, but
whatsoever he shall hear that shall he speak; and he will show you things to
come. He shall glorify me; for he shall receive of mine and show it unto
you’ (16:13–14).
And on this account he had told them before that it was expedient for them
that he should go away, that the Holy Spirit might come unto them, whom he
would send from the Father (16:7).
Hereunto he referred the full and clear manifestation of the mysteries of
the gospel.
“The writings of the evangelists
are full unto their proper ends and purposes. These were to record the
genealogy, conception, birth, acts, miracles, and teachings of our Savior,
so far as to evince him to be the true, only promised Messiah. So he
testifies who wrote the last of them: ‘Many other signs truly did Jesus
which are not written in this book; but these are written that you might
believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God’ (20:30–31).
Unto this end everything is recorded by them that is needful unto the
engenerating and establishing of faith. Upon this confirmation all things
declared in the Old Testament concerning him, all that was taught in types
and sacrifices, became the object of faith in that sense wherein they were
interpreted in the accomplishment. It is therefore no wonder if some things,
and those of the highest importance, should be declared more fully in other
writings of the New Testament than they are in those of the evangelists.”
That this inspiration of the
apostolic college, which fitted them to join the teachings of their Lord and
master and produce a body of doctrine intended to constitute an integral and
necessary part of the Christian religion, was confined to them and was not
shared by the first Christian brotherhood any more than by the church today,
our limits compel us to be content with a brief proof; and the burden of
proof is upon him who widens the circle beyond this. To the twelve apostles
alone does Christ promise the Holy Spirit as the Spirit of revelation and
inspiration (John
14:26;
16:13).
Them only does he command “not
to depart from Jerusalem, but
to wait for the promise of the Father” (Acts
1:4). To them alone
does he say, “I will send unto you from the Father the Spirit of truth;
he shall teach you all things and bring all things to your remembrance,
whatsoever I have said unto you; he shall testify of me, and you also
shall bear witness because you have been with me from the beginning [of
my ministry]”(John
14:26;
15:26–27).
Such promises as these have no kind of connection with the alleged
unknown collectors and editors of legends concerning Christ that were
accumulating in the early church during two or three centuries after his
death. They apply solely to the apostolic college and to no other
persons. No such promise or command was given to the “seventy” disciples
who were sent out to preach the gospel and who were endowed with
miraculous power. Stephen and Barnabas were “full of the Holy Spirit,”
but there is no evidence that they were authorized or inspired to
prepare writings that were to make a part of the New Testament
revelation. The twelve apostles alone, together with the prophets of the
Old Testament, constituted the foundation of the Christian church,
Christ their Lord being “the chief cornerstone” (Eph.
2:20). Only the names
of the “twelve apostles of the Lamb” were cut into the jasper
foundations of the New Jerusalem (Rev.
21:14). To the twelve
apostles alone did the head of the church say, “You are they which have
continued with me in my temptations. And I appoint unto you a kingdom,
as my Father has appointed unto me; that you may eat and drink at my
table in my kingdom and sit on thrones judging the twelve tribes of
Israel” (Luke
22:28–30).
The apostolic writings,
consequently, stand in a wholly different relation to the Christian
church from all others, secular or religious. The church grew out of
them and rests upon them. This cannot be said of any or all of the
immense body of Christian literature which has sprung from them. It has
been asserted that “the gospel may exist without the Bible.” It may
exist temporarily without the printed volume, as when a missionary,
prior to reducing the heathen language to writing preaches the gospel
orally; but this supposes that the written Bible is in existence and
that from it the missionary has derived it. It is said, also, that the
first Christian brotherhood had not the New Testament in a written form.
Supposing this assertion can be proved, it certainly had the New
Testament in an oral form from the lips of the apostles, and their oral
account of Christ and his teaching was the same thing with their written
record.
The composition of the
gospels would naturally have been prior to that of the epistles because
they were more needed in founding and extending the Christian church
among the nations. The common assumption of the rationalistic critics
that the epistles were early and the gospels late, dating even into the
second century, is contrary to probability as well as to patristic
testimony. From the nature of the case the narrative parts of the New
Testament would have been required in evangelistic work sooner than the
doctrinal. The first Christian brotherhood would have needed the
synoptist account of the life of Christ more than it would St. Paul’s
abstruse and logical enunciation of the Christian system in his Epistle
to the Romans. But the date of this latter is very
generally acknowledged to be
about
a.d.
58. The Tübingen school, with the caprice characteristic of conjectural
criticism, while asserting the spuriousness of Ephesians, Philippians,
and Colossians, concede the genuineness of Romans, excepting the last
two chapters, and also of the epistles to the Corinthians. But if within
twenty-five years after the crucifixion the church required such a
written statement of the doctrine of predestination as St. Paul gives in
Rom.
8:28–11:36 and of the
resurrection in
1 Cor.
15:12–58, it would
surely require within the same period such a written narrative of
Christ’s birth, life, death, resurrection, and ascension as the
synoptists give in their gospels. If oral instruction upon
predestination and the resurrection body ceased to be sufficient for the
spread of Christianity, and a written statement upon these subjects
became necessary, much more would this have been the case with all that
historical matter connected with the life of Christ which has always
been regarded in all missionary work as of prime importance. When a
modern missionary prepares for the founding of a Christian church in a
heathen tribe, he does not first translate the Pauline epistles into
their language, but the gospels of the evangelists.
We have already referred to
another reason for the probability that the first three gospels had an
earlier origin than the Pauline epistles, namely, the importance of
their being composed before the death of the apostles should make it
impossible. So long as the Twelve were alive and actively at work in the
fullness of their powers, a written record of the acts and discourses of
Christ might temporarily be dispensed with. The personal presence and
teaching of those whom the Savior had chosen and inspired to be the
organs of his religion made a manuscript account less necessary.
Moreover, for the first twenty-five years after the death of Christ the
circle of believers was comparatively small, and the limits of the
church confined. Oral instruction from the apostles and their assistants
might perhaps suffice. But when the circle was enlarged and the apostles
were departing from earth, the necessity for the written gospel became
urgent and imperative.
The apostles themselves would
naturally provide for this emergency in good season before the close of
their career and while they were in possession of their vigor. Even if
they had felt themselves to be at liberty to do so, they would not have
devolved the important work of laying the literary foundation of the
Christian religion and church upon well-meaning but unqualified members
of the brotherhood. The manner in which
Luke 1:1–4
speaks of “many” who had attempted a biography of Christ from the data
furnished by “eyewitnesses and ministers of the word” but who were not
members of the apostolic college, shows that it was an independent and
unauthorized, though well-intentioned procedure. Had it been
satisfactory in all respects, why should Luke have prepared his gospel,
not from these same data but from the “perfect understanding of all
things from the very first,” which he says he had, and why should not
these “many” narrations have acquired canonical authority and been
received by the church as such?
Eusebius so understood Luke’s
remark respecting the “many who had taken in hand” the writing of the
life of Christ: “Luke, in the beginning of his narrative premises the
cause which led him to write, namely, that many others had rashly
undertaken to compose a narrative of matters which he had already
completely ascertained. In order to free us from their uncertain
suppositions, he delivered in his own gospel the certain account of
these things which he himself had fully received from his intimacy with
Paul and also his intercourse with the other apostles” (Ecclesiastical
History 3.24).
For these reasons it is both
natural and probable that the apostolic college, by the instrumentality
of a part of their number, prepared that threefold synoptic account of
the life of our Lord which for nearly twenty centuries has been ascribed
to Matthew, Peter-Mark, and Paul-Luke. These three were virtually a
committee of the Twelve to perform that important service which the head
of the church had solemnly committed to them alone. The historical data
furnished by all classes of writers of the first three centuries justify
the belief that the epistles of the New Testament were composed between
a.d.
55 and
a.d.
70. We have given the reasons for believing that the Synoptic Gospels
were prior to the epistles, speaking generally. Matthew’s Gospel,
especially if written first in Aramean, probably had a much earlier date
than that of the Epistle to the Romans, namely,
a.d.
58. Eusebius carries it back to
a.d.
41.
After the first three gospels
had made the church familiar with the biography of its divine founder in
its principal features, a fourth supplementary gospel was added by that
one of the Twelve who, by natural gifts and intimate relationship to his
master, was best qualified to portray those preexistent and eternal
characteristics which were not so fully presented by the synoptists and
to supply an account of the Judean ministry and other particulars
omitted by them. This was composed near the close of the first century,
after the destruction of Jerusalem and the overthrow of the Jewish
economy and temple service.
Respecting the early origin
of the gospels, Ewald contends for it in part, but as the work of
unknown editors not of the apostolic college. “It is,” he says (History
of Israel 6.143),
“according to the results of my inquiries, pure and simple prejudice
which leads many modern scholars to the conclusion that the evangelical
literature generally did not take rise until quite late. On the
contrary, all closer inquiries prove that it began quite early and was
developed down to the destruction of Jerusalem in the most various
forms; but was then, certainly, continued for a considerable time after
that event.” Ewald imagines the following “documents to have been worked
up into the present Synoptic Gospels”:
1. the
earliest gospel
2. the
collected sayings (ta
logia)55
of Papias
3. the
same work reedited
4. Mark’s
Gospel in its first shape
5. Mark’s
Gospel reedited with the use of #1 and #2
6. the
book of higher history
7. the
present Gospel of Matthew
8. a
sixth work
9. a
seventh work
10. an
eighth work
11. Gospel
of Luke
12. Mark’s
Gospel in its final shape
It is evident that such a
long series of compositions and recompositions, of editing and reediting
of materials, must have been a process requiring far more time than
between
a.d.
40 and
a.d.
70, and that in saying that “the evangelical literature began quite
early” Ewald means that the first ecclesiastical materials so began. But
the process of collecting and combining them “continued,” he says, “for
a considerable time after the destruction of Jerusalem.” Let anyone
seriously try to find any evidence in the Christian fathers of the first
three centuries and in the general history of the patristic church for
the existence of most of the twelve documents Ewald here speaks of and
for such an origin for the four gospels, and he will know how much value
to ascribe to the scheme.
2.1.5
(see p. 99).
The fact that inspiration is distinct from sanctification, as is also
the power to work miracles, is of the first importance, and many of the
objections to the divinity of the Old Testament revelation arise from
overlooking it. Graves (Pentateuch
3.2) thus remarks upon it: “Let me warn my readers against adopting a
preconception very injurious with unthinking minds, namely, that all the
individuals whom God used as instruments for the deliverance of his
people are brought to our notice in Scripture as worthy of divine favor
and fit models for our imitation in the entire tenor
of their lives. They
generally, indeed, possessed the important and praiseworthy qualities of
zeal and intrepidity in defense of their national religion and
constitution and were active and effective instruments in restoring the
worship of Jehovah and thus in the main forwarding the interests of
virtue and religion. Hence, God frequently assisted their efforts with
miraculous aid or is said to have raised them up or been with them as
judges or kings of Israel. But we must by no means conceive that this
implies that the divine approbation attended all their conduct. The
excesses of Samson, the rash vow of Jephthah, the ephod of Gideon which
proved a snare unto him and all his house, involving them in the guilt
of idolatry; the easy indulgence of Eli to his profligate sons; the
manner in which the sons of Samuel himself abused their pious father’s
authority; the crimes even of David and Solomon: all these facts supply
abundant proofs that as in the people, so in their rulers, there was a
mixture of weakness and unsteadiness, an immaturity of intellect, and
dullness of sentiment as to morality and religion, which, though
controlled and overruled by providence, so as to prevent them from
defeating the great objects of the divine dispensations which these
individuals were otherwise qualified to promote, yet should always
prevent us from considering them as held up by Scripture, as in every
instance of their conduct favored of God and to be imitated by man. In
general, indeed, this fact is expressly noted in the Scripture itself,
and an immediate punishment declared to be inflicted for their offenses.
“It is said to be utterly
incredible that persons raised up, aided, inspired, endowed with
miraculous power at times, directed and assisted by God, should have
been guilty of such crimes as David, such idolatries as Solomon, such
weaknesses as Samson, such apostasies and cruelties as the Jews. To this
it may be answered that it is perfectly credible that they should be
raised up for a particular purpose; aided in effecting a particular
object; inspired with a certain degree of knowledge; miraculously
assisted at particular periods and in a special manner; and yet, that
beyond this their natural character, their external temptations, their
acquired habits, may have produced all the irregularities and crimes
which gave so much offense. To ask why God did not prevent this is to
ask why he did not exercise a greater degree of supernatural control
than the purposes of providence required. On this subject I transcribe
the observations of Butler (Analogy
2.3), which appear to me decisive. Having illustrated by a variety of
examples that the system of nature is liable to objections
a priori
analogous to those advanced against the scheme of revelation; and that
as the former are admitted to be inconclusive objections to natural
religion, the latter are equally so with regard to revelation, he
proceeds: ‘By applying these general observations to a particular
objection, it will be more distinctly seen how they are applicable to
others of the like kind; and indeed to almost all objections against
Christianity, as distinguished from objections against its evidence. It
appears from Scripture that as it was not unusual in the apostolic age
for persons upon their conversion to Christianity to be endued with
miraculous gifts, so some of those persons exercised these gifts in a
strangely irregular and disorderly manner; and this is made an objection
against their being really miraculous. Now the foregoing observations
quite remove this objection, how considerable soever it may appear at
first sight. For consider a person endued with any of these gifts; for
instance, that of tongues: it is to be supposed that he had the same
power over this miraculous gift that he would have had over it had it
been the effect of habit, of study, and use, as it ordinarily is; or the
same power over it that he had over any other natural endowment.
Consequently, he would use it in the same manner he did any other;
either regularly and upon proper occasions only, or irregularly and upon
improper ones, according to his sense of decency and his prudence.
Where, then, is the objection? Why, if this miraculous power was indeed
given to the world to propagate Christianity and attest the truth of it,
we might, it seems, have expected that another sort of persons should
have been chosen to be invested with it; or that these should at the
same time have been endued with prudence; or that they should have been
continually restrained and directed in the exercise of it, that is, that
God should have miraculously interposed, if at all, in a different
manner or higher degree. But from the observations made above, it is
undeniably evident that we are not judges in what degrees and manners it
were to have been expected he should miraculously interpose, upon the
supposition of his doing it in some degree and manner. Nor in the
natural course of providence are superior gifts of memory, eloquence,
knowledge, and other talents of great influence conferred only on
persons of prudence and decency, or such as are disposed to make the
properest use of them.’ Such are the observations of Butler; and they
seem to show most clearly the unreasonableness of disbelieving the
reality of divine interpositions in the Jewish scheme, merely from the
crimes and idolatries of the nation at large or of some of the most
remarkable persons employed in these interpositions.”
In addition to the examples
given on pp. 98–99 of inspiration without sanctification, the case of
the “old prophet” mentioned in
1 Kings 13:11
is another instance: “He lied to the man of God” and yet “the word of
the Lord came unto him” (v.
20),
and he foretold the truth respecting the death of “the man of God.”
2.1.6
(see p. 99).
It is an error to represent the church as prior, either in the order of
time or of nature, to the Scriptures. Though the gospels, for example,
were not put into writing before the church at Pentecost was
established, yet they were put into preaching before this. The preaching
of the gospel on the day of Pentecost applied by the Spirit made the
Christian church. The gospels in the memory and oral discourse of the
apostles were the very same divine revelation that was subsequently
written down by them. The oral truth is identical with the written
truth. The Ten Commandments spoken by God were the same Ten Commandments
that were cut by him in the tables of stone. The Mosaic narrative
respecting the patriarchs was not written until the fifteenth century
b.c.,
but the facts, both miraculous and natural and the truths relating to
God and the “seed of the woman” recorded by Moses exerted their
influence from Adam down, making the course of events what it was in the
line of Seth and constructing the antediluvian and patriarchal churches
long before the time of Moses. If revelation had not thus preceded,
partly in an oral and perhaps partly in a written form, there would have
been no patriarchal church. If Adam, Seth, and Noah had had no inspired
teaching, but only the ethnic theology and mythological doctrine of God
which Renan and others attribute to them, instead of the spiritual
monotheism which the Pentateuch ascribes to them, the history of these
patriarchs would have been like that of the mythological heroes
generally. There would have been no “sons of God,” like Seth and Enoch
and their descendants, walking with God in reverence and humility, and
no antediluvian church free from idolatry and worshiping a spiritual
Jehovah. Moses put into an orderly form a body of truth that had been
gradually revealed from heaven centuries before and had been preserved
in the memory of the patriarchs and perhaps also in some written
documents and added to it a body of truth partly supernaturally revealed
to him and partly the result of his own observation and connected with
his own mission and history.
Modern rationalism reverses
the places of cause and effect when composing its own “history of
Israel.” Ewald, for example, represents the messianic idea and
consciousness in the Israelites as producing the Old and New Testament
Scriptures; whereas it was these Scriptures that produced this idea and
consciousness. For if this race had been like the other contemporaneous
races, destitute of a supernatural revelation through inspired prophets,
it would no more have had a messianic idea and consciousness than they
had. The Bible made the Hebrews a peculiar people with a peculiar idea
and consciousness of redemption; and not the
Hebrews the Bible a peculiar
book with its peculiar doctrines of a Savior and salvation.
A similar misplacement of
cause and effect is seen also in the rationalistic argument for the
natural improvement of humanity by reason of its innate resources. The
influence of Christianity for two thousand years in changing the moral
and religious condition of the world is ignored, and the great process
of Christian civilization during this time is ascribed to the workings
of the human reason and will. Divine causation is thus transmuted into
human causation, and human nature struts in borrowed plumes. The moral
and spiritual products of the gospel are attributed to ethnic religion
and the evolution of man’s religious sentiment. But none of the natural
religions of the globe and still less the meager religion of a deist
like Hume could have originated the England and United States of today.
Why did not Greece and Rome produce modern Christian civilization?
2.1.7
(see p. 99).
The ethics of the Old Testament is not vitiated by such deeds as the
slaying of Agag by Samuel (2
Kings 10:30) and of
the Canaanites by Israel, if the circumstances of the cases are
considered. Such acts as these would be obligatory and right at the
present time and in all time under the same circumstances. Should
almighty God command a particular person in the United States in the
nineteenth century to slay a particular person, he would be morally
bound to do so. If the fact of a divine command is certainly
established, this constitutes an obligation; because God is the Creator
from nothing of every man and has the right to dispose of the life and
being of every one of his creatures as he pleases, on the principle
recognized by the common law, that absolute ownership entitles to the
use of the thing owned. It is on this same ground that the destruction
of mankind by the deluge and Lisbon earthquakes is explained and
justified. When so commanded by God, the father and mother of a false
prophet are to thrust through the very son whom they have begotten (Zech.
13:3).
2.1.8
(see p. 100).
Revelation may be without error so far as it professes to state truth,
and yet it may not profess to state all the truth belonging to the
subject. The disclosure of the future Messiah to Adam and Even in the
first promise was inerrant, but the time when he would appear was not
revealed to them to the degree it was to Daniel. Similarly, the fact of
the second advent of Christ was infallibly revealed to the apostles, but
the time when it was to occur was concealed from them (Mark
13:32). If they had
gone beyond the teaching of the Holy Spirit that there is to be a second
advent of the Redeemer and attempted by the action of their own mind to
fix the date of it, as premillenarians do, they would have made a
fallible statement. Some of the Thessalonian church did this, and St.
Paul in the second epistle to this church by inspiration informs them
that the second advent will not occur until after a certain apostasy;
but when this will occur was not revealed to him, and he did not give a
date for it. At the same time the apostles, in their ignorance of the
exact date of Christ’s second advent, together with their infallible
knowledge that it would occur, represent it as an event that will come
unexpectedly and suddenly whenever it does come and exhort believers to
be prepared for it. This explains Paul’s “the Lord is at hand” (Phil.
4:5) and “yet a little
while and he that shall come will come and will not tarry” (Heb.
10:37); James’s “the
coming of the Lord draws nigh” (James
5:8); and Peter’s “the
end of all things is at hand” (1
Pet. 4:7).
2.1.9
(see p. 102).
The homogeneity of thought and language is evinced by the fact that the
vocal sound is the product of physical organs which are started into
action and directed in their motion by the soul itself. Even the
inarticulate tones of an animal are suited to the inward feeling by the
particular play of muscles and organs of sound. The feeling of pleasure
could not, so long as nature is herself, twist these muscles and organs
into the emission of the sharp scream of physical agony, any more than
it could light up the eye with the glare and flash of rage. Now, if this
is true in the low sphere of animal existence, it is still more so in
that of intellectual and moral existence. When full of earnest thought
and feeling, the mind uses the body at will, and the latter naturally
and spontaneously subserves the former. As thought becomes more and more
earnest, and feeling more and more glowing, the body bends and yields
with increasing pliancy, down to its most minute fibers and most
delicate tissues, to the working of the engaged mind; the organs of
speech become one with the soul and are swayed and wielded by it. The
word is as it were put into the mouth by the vehement and excited
spirit. And the language inevitably follows the cast of the thought. The
movements of the mouth, the positions of the vocal organs and tension of
the vocal chords, in the utterance of such words as
shock,
smite,
writhe,
slake,
and quench
are produced by the energy and character of the conceptions which these
words convey, just as the prolonged relaxation of the organs and muscles
in the pronunciation of
soothe,
breathe,
dream,
calm,
and the like results necessarily from the nature of the thought of which
they are not the mere arbitrary unmeaning signs, like the algebraic
symbols plus and minus, but the spontaneous significant embodiment. Even
when the word is not only not pronounced, but not even whispered, it is
sought to be expressed by silent movements of the lips: “Hannah spoke in
her heart; only her lips moved, but her voice was not heard: therefore
Eli thought she had been drunken” (1
Sam. 1:13).
Carpenter (Physiology
§542) describes the physiological connection between the conception and
the word, as follows: “In the production of vocal sounds that nice
adjustment of the muscles of the larynx which is requisite to the giving
forth of determinate tones is ordinarily directed by the auditory sense:
being learned in the first instance [in the case of the child] under the
guidance of sounds actually produced [by its teachers]; but being
subsequently effected voluntarily in accordance with the mental
conception (a sort of inward sensation) of the tone to be uttered, which
conception cannot be formed unless the sense of hearing has previously
brought similar tones to the mind. Hence it is that persons who are deaf
are also mute. They may have no malformation of the organs of speech;
but they are incapable of uttering distinct vocal sounds or musical
tones, because they have not the guiding conception or recalled
sensation of the nature of these.”
It is objected that children
have to learn to speak and that consequently thought does not prompt
language. The objection overlooks the difference between learning one’s
mother tongue and a foreign language. The latter is learned artificially
by a dictionary and every word is taught separately by itself, but the
former is learned naturally without such helps. As the child learns to
think, he learns to talk. The latter is as spontaneous as the former. He
is taught to spell every word, but not to utter every word. Children
grow into speaking their native language as they grow into thinking.
Technical terms, it is true, have to be taught. But even in this case
the child often has an untechnical word for the thing which is suggested
by his idea of it.
2.1.10
(see p. 104).
That inspiration affects the language as well as the thought is proved
by what is said in Scripture concerning the “utterance” of revealed
truth. This utterance is represented to be a special gift of the Holy
Spirit: “I thank my God always on your behalf that you are enriched by
him in all utterance (logō)56
and in all knowledge” (1
Cor. 1:4–5); “you
abound in utterance (logō)57
and knowledge” (2
Cor. 8:7); “praying
for me, that utterance (logos)58
may be given unto me” (Eph.
6:19); “praying that
God would open unto us a door of utterance (logou)”59
(Col.
4:3). A
free, fluent, and precise use
of language is meant when St. Paul prays that he may “open his mouth
boldly to make known the mystery of the gospel.” It will be observed
that in these passages the term
logos60
denotes the expression of thought, while in other places it denotes
thought itself or the faculty of thought, showing that reason and
“discourse of reason” are two modes or phases of the same thing.
Owen speaks thus of inward or
mental prayer: “In prayer, by meditation the things and matter of prayer
are to be formed in the mind into that sense and those sentences which
may be expressed outwardly and vocally. So of Hannah, when she prayed in
her heart ‘out of the abundance of her meditation’ as she said (1
Sam. 1:16), it is said
that ‘her lips moved, though her voice was not heard.’ She not only
inwardly framed the sense of her supplications into petitions, but
tacitly expressed them to herself. And the obligation of any person unto
prescribed forms is destructive of prayer by inward meditation; for it
takes away the liberty and prevents the ability of framing petitions in
the mind according to the sense which the party praying has of them” (Holy
Spirit in Prayer,
chap. 8).
In his treatise “Concerning
the Teacher,” Augustine discusses at considerable length the connection
between thought and language, maintaining that it is natural not
arbitrary, vital not mechanical. One of his remarks is that “we think
the words themselves [as well as the thought itself] and thus speak
internally and mentally.”61
This will be evident if we watch the mental action both in remembering
and in reflecting. When we recall and mentally repeat a passage of the
Lord’s Prayer, the words of the passage are merely thought or conceived
of. They are not uttered either aloud or in a whisper. The language in
this instance is entirely internal and disconnected from sound and the
movements of the vocal organs. But the same is true in the instance of
original thinking, when there is no recalling to memory. In reflecting
upon a subject the mind inwardly phrases its thoughts as it goes along,
without either whispering or speaking the words in which they are
phrased. The thinking itself is real and clear only in proportion as
this mental expression and linguistic formation of the thought takes
place. If this is not done, there is no true thinking, but only a vague
and mystical mental action which does not reach the truth of the subject
and does not explain it in the least. Says Augustine: “When my
capacities of expression prove inferior to my inner apprehensions, I
grieve over the inability which my tongue has betrayed in answering to
my heart. This arises from the circumstance that the intellectual
apprehension diffuses itself through the mind with something like a
rapid flash, whereas the utterance is slow and occupies time, so that
while the latter is moving on, the intellectual apprehension has already
withdrawn itself within its secret abodes. Yet in consequence of its
having stamped certain impressions of itself upon the memory, these
prints endure with the brief pauses of the syllables; and as the outcome
of these same impressions, we form vocal signs which get the name of a
certain language, either Latin, Greek, or Hebrew, or some other. And
these vocal signs may themselves be the objects of thought merely, or
they may also be actually uttered by the voice. On the other hand, the
mental impressions themselves are neither Latin nor Greek nor Hebrew nor
peculiar to any race whatsoever, but are made effective in the mind just
as looks are in the body. For anger is designated by one word in Latin,
by another in Greek, and by different terms in other languages,
according to their several diversities. But the look of the angry man is
neither peculiarly Latin nor peculiarly Greek. Thus it is that when a
person says iratus sum,62
he is not understood by every nation, but only by the Latins; whereas,
if the mood of his mind when it is kindling to wrath comes forth upon
the face and affects the look, all who have the individual within their
view understand that he is angry” (Catechizing
the Unlearned,
chap. 3).
Augustine here notices that
the vocal signs, that is, the words, may be merely objects of thought
and not actually spoken; that is, they may be conceived in the mind and
not articulated. This is so. If one will observe the process, he will
discover that before he utters a particular word he has a notion of the
sound which he means to utter and forms it mentally. He phrases his
thought inwardly, and this conceived sound is suggested and prompted by
the thought behind it, of which it is the symbol and with which it is
connatural. We think the word before we speak it out audibly. Hence the
following advice is sound: “When we write in a foreign language, we
should not think in English; if we do, our writings will be but
translations at best. If one is to write in French, one must use oneself
to think in French; and even then, for a great while, our Anglicisms
will get uppermost and betray us in writing, as our native accent does
in speaking when we are among them” (Lockier,
Spence’s Anecdotes).
Plato (Theatetus
190) describes thinking as inward speaking: “Socrates: Do you mean by
thinking the same which I mean? Theatetus: What is that? Socrates: I
mean the conversation which the soul holds with herself in considering
anything. The soul when thinking appears to me to be just talking;
asking questions of herself and answering them, affirming and denying.
And when she has arrived at a decision, either gradually or by a sudden
impulse, and has at last agreed and does not doubt, this is called her
opinion. I say, then, that to form an opinion is to speak, and opinion
is a word spoken, I mean to oneself and in silence, not aloud or to
another.”
2.1.11
(see p. 104).
The conjectural critics make misstatements to support their alleged
contradictions of Scripture. Harper (Hebraica
5.27–29) asserts that
Gen. 2:5–7
“distinctly states that when the first man was created, there was no
plant or shrub in existence.” It states directly the contrary: “God
created every plant of the field before it was in the earth and every
herb of the field before it grew, and there was not a man to till the
ground.” That is to say, when the vegetable kingdom was created man was
not in being. Harper asserts again that
Gen. 2:7–8
teaches that “after man came vegetation, which man was to maintain.”
This can be true only upon the assumption that the “planting of a garden
eastward in Eden” was the same thing as the creation of the vegetable
kingdom: “The Lord God formed man of the dust of the ground. And the
Lord God planted a garden, and there he put the man he had formed.” The
Bible here teaches that the planting of the garden was subsequent to the
creation of man, but not that the fiat of the third day (1:11),
by which the vegetable kingdom was originated, was subsequent to this.
Such interpretation of Scripture as this is either dense ignorance or
willful deceit.
2.1.12
(see p. 105).
Genuine and truthful accounts from two or more eyewitnesses of an event
must have a certain amount of variation, because no two spectators see
or can see identically the same things in identically the same way. For
example, two spectators of the passage of the Red Sea by the Israelites
would not have exactly the same consciousness in relation to the total
scene. This would make them two machines, like two stereopticons, giving
identically the same pictures of the passage. Eyewitnesses are not
stereopticons. One spectator sees more of one part of a scene and less
of another part; and the converse. A truthful and accurate report of
what each has seen consequently shows this difference and variation. But
this is not a conflict or contradiction between the two accounts. This
fact is clearly stated by Torrey in an article on inspiration in
Bibliotheca sacra
(1858): “Inspiration secured the sufficiently exact report of the facts
observed. We say sufficiently exact; for, from the nature of the case,
facts are relative to
the observer. No two witnesses can possibly look at them from
[identically] the same point of view. No two reports from different
sources can possibly be exactly [identically] the same. We cannot demand
in the case of sacred facts a different kind of exactness from that
which belongs to the true report of all historical facts. Variation, to
a certain extent, is here the test of truth. Inspiration, therefore,
cannot consist in such a miraculous infusion of light as would lead each
historian to report facts differently seen and differently related by
different witnesses precisely alike. Each can draw up his own report
only from one point of view, and minor differences are unavoidable.”
2.1.13
(see p. 109).
When an inspired person intentionally adapts a passage from the Old
Testament as the best way of expressing the inspired thought which he is
commissioned to utter, this is not the same thing as an error in
quotation. A misquotation is not consciously intended, but is the result
of ignorance or carelessness; but an adaptation supposes a clear
understanding of the whole passage in the Old Testament and a deliberate
alteration of it to meet the case in hand. Take, for illustration, our
Lord’s quotation of
Ps. 40:10
in John
13:18: “He that eats
bread with me has lifted up his heel against me.” He purposely omits the
words in whom I
trusted, not
because he did not know they made a part of the Old Testament passage,
but because had he verbally cited the whole of it would have expressed
an untruth. He had not put his trust in Judas, for he “knew what is in
man” and therefore did not “commit himself” to man, even his best
friends (2:23–24).
Another illustration is the quotation of
Ps. 16:10
by Peter and Paul respectively. The former quotes it: “You will not
leave my soul in hell, neither will you suffer your Holy One to see
corruption” (Acts
2:27). The latter
quotes it: “You will not suffer your Holy One to see corruption” (13:35).
This is not misquotation on Paul’s part. He omits a clause of the
original but does not alter its meaning as he understood it; because he
evidently understood that “to leave the soul in hell” was the same thing
as “to suffer the Holy One to see corruption”; “hell,” in his view,
meaning the grave, and “soul” signifying a “dead body” (as in
Num. 6:6;
Lev.
5:2;
19:28;
21:1,
11;
22:4;
Num.
18:11,
13;
Hag.
2:13). Again, such
quotations from the Old Testament (Exod.
12:46) as
John 19:36
(“a bone of him shall not be broken”) are not a mistaken citation for a
purpose that was not intended by the Holy Spirit, the original inspirer.
The slaying of the paschal lamb was a type of Christ the Lamb of God and
not an ordinary historical event that had no typical meaning. When,
therefore, God commanded Moses, saying, “Neither shall you break a bone
thereof,” he had in view both the present reference and the future. Both
references were in the mind of the Holy Spirit, under whose inspiration
both Moses and John wrote. The paschal lamb being a type of the Lamb of
God was a prophecy of him as well as an emblem. All Scripture types or
symbols are prophetic and are consequently both history and prophecy and
may be cited as either. They have a double reference: one to the present
and the other to the future. Moses in
Exod. 12:46
gave the historical reference; John in
John 19:36
gave the prophetic. Common historical events are not typical of the
future and therefore have but one meaning or reference. But some of the
historical events of the Old Testament dispensation, such as the exodus
from Egypt (Matt.
2:15), the killing of
the paschal lamb (1
Cor. 5:7;
John 1:2),
the lifting up of the brazen serpent (3:14),
the Nazirite vow in the instances of Samson and Samuel (Matt.
2:23), the miracle of
Jonah (Matt.
12:40), and other such
passages, were types as well as history and therefore are cited in the
New Testament in proof of the truth of the claim of Jesus Christ to be
the Messiah thus typified. This explanation supposes that the old and
new dispensations are one organic whole and that the former prepares for
the latter and is prophetic of it.
2.1.14
(see p. 109).
The divine and the human element in Scripture are erroneously supposed,
by those who deny the inerrancy of the latter, to be merely in
juxtaposition instead of blending and fusion. Mere juxtaposition would
leave the human factor in its ordinary fallible condition, unaffected by
the divine. But the mind of the prophet or apostle is represented as
theopneustos63
(divinely inspired;
2 Tim. 3:16).
This inbreathing of the human mind by the Holy Spirit lifts it above its
common fallible condition and frees it from the liability to error which
attaches to the uninspired human. An inspired human mind is in an
extraordinary state by reason of the divine
afflatus
which sweeps it along (pheromenoi;64
2 Pet.
1:21). If the relation
of the two factors were merely that of juxtaposition, the Scriptures
would be a mixture of the infallible with the fallible, as the
rationalist asserts they are. But when the two are blended so as to fill
the human with the divine, the product has in it no mixture of error.
Both elements are alike inerrant; the divine originally in and of
itself, the human derivatively because illumined by the divine. To
suppose that the human side of the Bible contains error is to suppose
the mind of the prophet or apostle to have been left in its common
uninspired state when he contributed to its production. The attempt of
rationalistic criticism to inject error into revelation by means of its
human side can succeed only by assuming that the inspired human is the
ordinary human and that the prophet or apostle writes like any common
human author. This is merely the contiguity of the divine and human, not
the interpenetration and inspiration of the human by the divine. On this
theory the Bible is the product of the divine as infallible and of the
human as fallible; in which case the errancy of the latter nullifies the
inerrancy of the former. If the inerrant truth, which comes directly
from the Holy Spirit, on passing through the fallible mind of the
prophet or apostle becomes vitiated by the passage and is converted into
error, the result is worthless. But if, while the Holy Spirit reveals
the truth, he at the same time illumines and informs the human mind
which he is employing as his human organ for communicating it to human
beings and preserves it from error, thus making it the inspired-human in
distinction from the common-human, then the product will be completely
inerrant.
2.1.15
(see p. 111).
The argument in proof of a conflict between revelation and science
commonly closes with a reference to the persecution of Galileo and his
“yet it does move.” Whewell has narrated the facts of the case with
carefulness and accuracy. He establishes the following particulars:
1. The
heliocentric theory was known to the ancients. It was ascribed to
Pythagoras and also to Philolaus, one of his disciples. Archimedes says
that is was held by his contemporary Aristarchus. Aristotle recognized
the existence of the doctrine by arguing against it. Cicero appears to
make Mercury and Venus revolve about the sun. Seneca says that it
deserves considering whether the earth be at rest or in motion. The
Hindus had their heliocentric theorists. Aryabatta (1322
b.c.)
is said to have advocated the doctrine of the earth’s revolution on its
axis—an opinion rejected by subsequent Hindu philosophers.
2. Copernicus
(a.d.
1507) was the first to reduce the theory, held hitherto in a vague way,
to a scientific form. The preface to his epoch-making treatise
On the Revolutions of the
Heavenly Spheres
was addressed to the pope. His views met no resistance from the church.
He delayed their publication because he feared the opposition of the
established school of astronomers, not of divines. The latter he seemed
to consider a less formidable danger. The doctrine of the
earth’s motion around the sun
when it was promulgated by Copernicus soon after 1500 excited no alarm
among the theologians of his own time. Indeed it was received with favor
by the most intelligent ecclesiastics, and lectures in support of the
heliocentric doctrine were delivered in the ecclesiastical colleges.
3. The
Copernican theory had both its advocates and its opponents for two
centuries after its publication, but both classes were mathematicians
and astronomers, not ecclesiastics as such. It was adopted by Leonardo
da Vinci (1510), Giordano Bruno (1591), Kepler (1600), Galileo (1630),
Leibnitz (1670), Newton (1680), and subsequently by the British and
continental mathematicians generally. It was more or less opposed, or
else doubted, even down to the close of the seventeenth century. Lord
Bacon never gave full assent to it. His contemporary Gilbert was also in
doubt concerning parts of it. Milton was not a mathematician, but
reflects the opinions of his time, and he was undecided. So also was
John Howe.
4. The
martyrdom of Giordano Bruno and the persecution of Galileo arose not
from their astronomical but their theological opinions. Bruno published
a bitter satire on religion and the papal government, a work having no
connection with the Copernican theory, and for this he was condemned to
the flames. He had previously published his treatise
De
universo, in which
he adopts the views of his master, Copernicus, and had been unmolested.
Galileo’s persecution arose from several causes:
a. The
difference in the degree of toleration accorded to Copernicus and
Galileo, respectively, was due to the controversies that had arisen out
of the Reformation, which made the Romish church more jealous of
innovations in received opinions than previously. Moreover, the
discussion of religious doctrines was in the time of Galileo less freely
tolerated in Italy than in other countries.
b. Galileo’s
own behavior appears to have provoked the interference of the
ecclesiastical authorities. When arguments against the fixity of the sun
and the motion of the earth were adduced from expressions in Scripture,
he could not be satisfied without asserting that his opinions were
conformable to Scripture as well as philosophy and was very eager in his
attempts to obtain from the ecclesiastical authorities a declaration to
this effect. The authorities were averse to granting this, particularly
since the literal phraseology of Scripture favored the Ptolemaic theory.
When compelled by Galileo’s urgency to express an opinion, they decided
against him and advised him to confine himself to the mathematical
reasons for his system and to abstain from meddling with Scripture.
Galileo’s zeal soon led him again to bring the question under the notice
of the Pope, and the result was a declaration of the Inquisition that
the doctrine of the earth’s motion appeared to be contrary to the
Scriptures. Galileo was then prohibited from teaching and defending this
doctrine in any manner and promised obedience to this injunction. His
subsequent violation of his promise, together with his impatient and
passionate temper, brought about his imprisonment. Had he maintained the
Copernican theory on purely scientific grounds, as the church had
enjoined upon him and as had commonly been done by its advocates, and
not sought the authority of the church in its support and so had not
fallen into collision with it when it refused its support, there is no
reason for believing that Galileo would have met with any more
persecution than his great predecessors Copernicus and Kepler. (For the
full account of the subject, see Whewell’s
Inductive Sciences
5.1–3.)
1
1. βιβλίου
λόγος = a word or discourse about the
Bible
5
5. WS:
See Twesten, Dogmatics
2.146; Shedd, Theological Essays,
303–4; Neander, Book of Acts
§6: “Reconciliation.”
6
6. WS:
See Conybeare’s “Reply to Tindal” in Shedd,
History of Doctrine
1.208.
10
10. inspiratio
antecedens
11
11. inspiratio
concomitans
12
12. inspiratio
consequens
13
13. Res
quae in scriptura continentur, non solum per assistentiam et
directionem divinam infallibilem literis consignatae sunt, sed
singulari Spiritus Sancti suggestioni, inspirationi, et dictamini,
acceptae ferendae sunt.
14
14. Res
sanctis scriptoribus naturaliter prorsus incognitae; naturaliter
quidem cognoscibiles, actu tamen incognitae; non tantum naturaliter
cognoscibiles, sed etiam actu ipso notae.
15
15. the
matters themselves
16
16. a
basic or foundational writing
19
19. διδαχή
τῶν ἀποστόλων = teaching of the apostles
20
20. ἀνατάξασθαι
διήγησιν = to arrange a narrative, compile
an account (New American Standard Bible)
21
21. διδαχή
τῶν ἀποστόλων = teaching of the apostles
22
22. ab
extra = from the outside
23
23. WS:
Immer (Hermeneutics,
18) argues against the infallibility of St. Paul because of the
failure of his memory in regard to a certain particular (1 Cor.
14:16). Because the apostle could not remember how many persons he
had baptized, therefore his teaching in 1 Cor. 15 respecting the
resurrection is fallible! Upon the same principle, he should deny
St. Paul’s infallibility because he was ignorant of the steam engine
and telegraph.
24
24. afflatus
= a blowing or a breathing on, an inspiration
25
25. θεόπνευστος
= God-breathed (hence, divinely inspired)
27
27. WS:
“In his extreme old age, the elder Adams was asked for an analysis
of James Otis’s speech in 1761 on the acts of the Board of Trade,
which was five hours long. He answered that no man could have
written the argument from memory ‘the day after it was spoken,’ much
less ‘after a lapse of fifty-seven years.’ Adams then proceeded to
compose a series of letters on the subject filling thirty-three
closely printed pages. Comparing these letters with letters written
at or near the time, I am obliged to think that the venerable man
blended together his recollections of the totality of the influence
and doctrines of Otis during the years 1761–66. I own that I have
had embarrassment in adjusting the authorities” (Bancroft,
History 4.416).
If St. John did not compose and write his gospel until
a.d. 80 or 90, he
certainly would have needed supernatural assistance in reporting so
minutely and fully as he has the last discourse of Christ, some
fifty or more years after its delivery.
28
28. WS:
Says Philippi (Doctrine,
chap. 2), “While we maintain verbal inspiration (Wortinspiration),
we do not mean the inspiration of each word separately and by itself
(Wörterinspiration).”
As he explains his meaning, it seems to be that an apostle or
prophet under the impulse of the divine Spirit originated a product
that as a unity and a whole was inspired both in matter and form,
thought and language. But each particular word, one by one, was not
mechanically and separately suggested to him. The process of
inspiration was dynamic, continuous, and flowing.
30
30. λόγος
ἐνδιάθετος (i.e., a word as it exists in
the mind)
31
31. λόγος
προφορικός (i.e., a word that has been
uttered forth)
32
32. WS:
On the necessary connection of thought and language, cf. Müller,
Science of Language,
1st series, lects. 1–2, 9; Science of
Thought 1.284–85; Westcott,
Study of the Gospels
(introduction); Shedd, Literary Essays,
149–68.
33
33. τὸ
γεννώμενον ἅγιον = the holy thing (neuter)
begotten. The neuter gender is significant here because it shows
that Christ derived his human nature from Mary; the neuter noun is
suited to refer to Christ’s “impersonal” (i.e., not yet
personalized) human nature. On the other hand, the root of Christ’s
person is the divine Logos, the second person of the Trinity, who
assumed that nature. If the reference were to his person, one would
expect to find a masculine noun (see p. 629 n. 38). See
anhypostasis and enhypostasis
in glossary 1.
35
35. εἷς
= one (masculine)
36
36. Shedd’s
point is that in John 10:30 the neuter is used because a oneness of
essence/being/substance is in view; hence, the meaning is “I and the
Father are one thing [i.e., God].”
37
37. μορφή
θεοῦ = the form of God
38
38. οὐσία
θεοῦ = the essence or being of God. A
trinitarian person is one mode or form (morphē)
in which the divine essence (ousia)
subsists. Thus, the word
morphē
would have reference to Christ’s preincarnate personhood rather than
to the essence that the three trinitarian person have in common. See
modus subsistendi
in glossary 1.
39
39. οὕς
δέδωκας = those (plural) whom you have
given (to me). The plural could be theologically significant in
arguing that election has reference to particular individuals rather
than merely to the church as a corporate entity. Shedd, in keeping
with Reformed theology generally, holds the former.
40
40. ὁ
δέδωκας = that which (singular) you have
given to me
43
43. the
very words, the exact words, the words themselves
44
44. I
work to be brief, I become obscure
45
45. ἀπομνημονεῦματα
= memoirs
46
46. σάλπιγγος
φωνή = the voice (i.e., sound) of a
trumpet
49
49. In
other words, in this case the New Testament writer conveys Moses’
meaning even though he does not reproduce Moses’ exact wording.
50
50. WS:
See Whewell, Inductive Sciences
5.3.4 (the Copernican system opposed on theological grounds).
52
52. πολυμερῶς
καὶ πολυτρόπως
53
53. ἀνάμνησις
= a recollection
61
61. Quia
ipsa verba cogitamus nos intus apud animam loqui.
64
64. φερόμενοι
= having been carried along